An indexical tense occurring in intensional domains, as in John believed that Mary is pregnant conveys a mismatch between the content reported and the content intuitively attributable to the believer: The actual belief does not seem to involve an indexical reference to the speech time. Current logicosemantic accounts of this mismatch propose a de re interpretation, e.g., there is a state in the real world, of which John believes something. Following Gennari’s (1999a; 2003) account, it is argued that current accounts do not capture multiple instances of belief attributions with indexical tenses and an alternative more flexible account is proposed. Specifically, indexical tenses need not be analyzed de re if the belief reports is considered as an attribution of an implicit belief, rather than an explicit one (Stalnaker 1999). Such attributions are felicitous if there is an inference pragmatically attainable in the common ground that allows the speaker to infer and assert the attributed content. The speaker infers the reported content making extra assumptions normally taken for granted. The account correctly predicts whether a given present or future attitude report is felicitous depending on the availability of the speaker’s inference.
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