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Abstract

The Hungarian question tag mi? is subject to more special contextual restrictions compared to ugye?. An utterance that features mi? i) tentatively commits the addressee as a source for the anchor proposition of the tag question, and ii) it commits the speaker as a source for the addressee's being a source for p, which is a pragmatic presupposition. A speaker is a source for a proposition p if that speaker's commitment to p does not depend on any other discourse participant's commitment (Gunlogson 2008). The results of an online survey of a minimal set of pragmatically relevant contexts support claim i), and indirectly, claim ii). The effect of mi? on the immediate context of the discourse is modeled on a conversational scoreboard (Farkas & Bruce 2010; Malamud & Stephenson 2015).

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Abstract

This paper investigates hitherto unnoticed variation in the linguistic coding of spatial anaphora in locative PPs in Hungarian. While Hungarian primarily employs reflexives in these configurations, it is well-known that pronouns are the default strategy in English, and the reflexive anaphor is allowed in locative PPs only in the presence of certain licensing factors. One such factor is the availability of body-oriented readings (Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd 2007, 2011), and we argue here that this plays an important role in Hungarian, too. The paper reports the findings of a corpus study and an online questionnaire study and shows that pronouns are not only acceptable in Hungarian spatial anaphora, but either outperform or form a viable alternative to reflexives when the location denoted by the PP is not close to the referent of the antecedent. A secondary effect of structure building is also observable in two configurations of the extended PP. We argue that the employment of a possessive structure in certain PPs, and moving a P-element to a CPPP cap may also contribute to saving pronouns in contexts of spatial anaphora.

Open access

Abstract

During the period of Ottoman rule in Hungary (1541‒1686), palisaded castles of differing sizes were typical elements in the border-castle networks on both sides of the battlefront: the Ottoman and the Christian. Archaeological remains (post-holes, beam structures, parts of palisades) complement the data in the written sources, making perceptible and measurable the great quantities of timber used in the building of castles. In the case of the Ottoman palisaded castle at Barcs and in that of the royal palisaded castle at Bajcsavár (southern Transdanubia), attempts were made ‒ on the basis of archaeological observations and reconstructions of ground plans ‒ to determine the number of palisade stakes used for the walls at the time of building, as well as to establish the number of trees felled in order to make them. By way of environmental history researches, an answer was sought to the question of how much the construction of these palisaded castles impacted on the forests in their respective districts. In the case of Barcs Castle, investigations were conducted into whether forest clearance in its vicinity can be reconstructed on the basis of pollen samples. Other issues examined are how far forest clearance extended from the two fortifications, its intensity, and the approximate quantities of timber yielded by it.

Open access

Abstract

The present study outlines the most important results of the aerial archaeological prospection surveys conducted by Zsuzsa Miklós (1948–2014) in South Transdanubia, with special regard to the fortifications, settlements, and landscapes along the Drava photographed between 2008 and 2013. This is a completed and edited version of the paper left to us from 2014.

Open access

Abstract

In his paper the author deals with the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon where a certain Valerian, the bishop of a settlement called Bassiana emerged several times. As he attended the synod of 448 at Constantinople as well, he lived in Constantinople most probably as refugee. Following E. Schwartz's correction, the author also comes to the conclusion that Valerian was mistakenly identified as the African bishop in the original Greek list and he was rather the bishop of the Pannonian Bassianae. He had to flee from his hometown to Constantinople because of the Hun occupation in 441 as his province already belonged to East Rome.

Open access

Abstract

This study explores the life-mode of Hungarian migrants in their destination country, England, particularly London in the last decade, focusing on their housing conditions and working experiences. Relying on her participant observations and interviews, the author formulates a picture through the eyes of Hungarian migrant laborers regarding how both the real estate and labor market exploits them (micro level). She explains the motives of the main economic actors (entrepreneurs, real estate and employment agencies, employers) leading to exploitations (meso level) in addition to discussing how all of these fit into the wider socio-economic context (macro level).

Open access

Abstract

The self-definitions of today's folk artists, as well as the concept(s) of folk art of official umbrella and quality assurance organizations, are rooted in complex, interrelated processes. In my study, I focus on the post-World War II concept of folk art, which is full of contradictions, but, despite all protests, has had an undeniable impact on the folk art of today. The system of applied folk arts paradoxically fostered the prominence of individual creators, in contrast to the communication of its novel cooperatives in the decades after World War II, which emphasized communal work. These creators – often possessing truly authentic folk art knowledge (some having gained their reputation before World War II) but no longer following the peasant way of life – were depicted by the media in rural or bucolic genre situations, thereby heavily aestheticizing the concepts of folk and folk art. At the same time, socialist cultural policy also emphasized their status as artists and creators, making them key figures in the cooperatives' work for decades as lead designers, prompting them to revitalize their local motif stock. At this point, another paradox of the Applied Folk Arts Council's perspective emerges, as the representation of the folk art of emblematic regions can increasingly be seen as the representation of the style of an individual (lead designer or charismatic artist). In my opinion, considering the 19th-century roots of the process, the definition of today's folk artists' products as unique works of art and the profound respect for design skills is rooted in this perspective that focuses on the work of iconic personalities, as I also point out in my case study analyzing Tiszafüred pottery through the work of several generations, a style that was adapted by Sándor Kántor and became known as Karcag pottery.

Open access

Abstract

The present paper offers a critical reflection on folk inspirations in Polish design in the early 21st century. It discusses the question of folk as an artistic form, pointing to conceptualizations of folk style and its formal qualities within the field of modern artistic production to which design and craft practices belong. It also touches on the role of the rural actors involved in the processes of the construction of folklore and their attitude towards folk conceived as esthetics, artistic form, and style. For rural producers, folk style was a question of conscious choice, sometimes motivated by conformism and sometimes by a deliberate effort to contribute to local/class/national self-presentation, very often in contradiction to the individual's own taste and that of their peers. The paper then examines the involvement of Polish folk-inspired design (etnodizajn) in the early 21st century with national self-presentation, as well as the various folk (lore)-inspired design strategies followed by contemporary Polish designers. It concludes with the observation that 21st-century design practices drawing on folkloric inspiration are part of a long sequence of cultural appropriations, where appropriation can mean both the alienating inequality experienced by the rural manufacturers of folk, as well as a necessary condition for the understanding of alterity by both sides in the cultural exchange.

Open access

Abstract

The legend of Ovid’s Hungarian tomb appeared in the historiography in the 16th century: besides the numerous Ovid-tombs that turned up all across Europe, Wolfgang Lazius was the first who mentioned in his work Commentarii Reipublicae Romanae that the grave of the poet destined to a tragic fate was discovered in Savaria-Szombathely. Then – at the end of the 16th century, probably through Polish influence – a four-line ‘epitaph’ expanded the narrative. In my paper I aim to enlighten how the legend of Ovid’s tomb appeared in the Hungarian historiography of the 16–18th century, how the authors tried to eliminate historical contradictions, and also, I intend to present the different concepts on the creation and the authenticity of the alleged epitaph today.

Open access