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Abstract

The first question addressed in this study is how to resume everyday life in a synagogue community following the cataclysm of the Shoah and how different aspects of this relaunch can be interpreted as an attempt to process the trauma of the Holocaust, either on an individual or group level. The second part of the paper revolves around the symptoms of “prolonged social trauma” in the dynamics of the changed community during the 1970s and 1980s and those of religious life in the field under study. In this case, the area in question represents a narrow locality, the Páva Street Synagogue and its community in Budapest between 1945 and 1989. Changes in the life of the community are brought to the fore via interviews using the oral history method along with press and archive sources. The Páva Street Synagogue in Ferencváros is one of the “periphery synagogues” of Budapest, where religious life with different intensities can be considered almost continuous. The synagogue, built with public funding and inaugurated in 1924, was used as an internment camp in the second half of 1944. Following the liberation of the ghettos and camps, community life began again a few months after the persecution. Between 1945 and 1956, this resumption involved a series of steps, including the physical rehabilitation of the synagogue environment and the organization of its daily routines. The events of 1956 created further difficulties for the community: the building was damaged once again and the community disintegrated. Although everyday life resumed, the symptoms of trauma manifested in the 1970s and 1980s as the community dwindled and its members grew older, leaving generations missing from the synagogue.

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Abstract

In 1858 a leading Hungarian literary critic as well as collector and editor of folk poetry started a debate about the possible literary career of women, arguing that literature and other forms of public artistic activity are fields that should not be open to women as it may cause serious moral and social problems. Yet, he noted that in case women still insist on becoming literary authors, they should turn only to certain genres, such as tales. The article investigates how the tale became a gendered genre, and presents women tellers, collectors and writers of tales as well as the diverse ways they were represented in Hungarian culture in the 19th century.

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Abstract

Béla Bartók's relationship with the Pro Arte Quartet was not as personal as the composer-pianist's relationship with the Waldbauer-Kerpely Quartet, the New Hungarian Quartet, or even the Kolisch Quartet. Professionally, however, it was equally fruitful. This study describes the relationship between the composer and the quartet, mainly based on the surviving correspondence between Bartók and the impresario Gaston Verhuyck-Coulon, and between Bartók and the Viennese publisher Universal Edition. It discusses in detail the circumstances surrounding the dedication of String Quartet no. 4, the commissioning of String Quartet no. 5, and the background to the surviving recordings of String Quartets nos. 1 and 5. It also takes stock of the plans that went up in smoke: the exclusive performance rights of String Quartet no. 3, a concerto for string quartet and orchestra, the studio recording of String Quartet no. 4, and the fact that the ensemble never met Bartók in person.

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Der Pester Lloyd als Quelle musikhistorischer Forschungen •

Ein Annäherungsversuch mit Beispielen aus dem 19. Jahrhundert

Studia Musicologica
Author:
Hedvig Ujvári

Abstract

The cultural exchange processes can also be formulated from the point of view of transfer research, because plurality and hybrid cultures are primarily characteristic of the Central European communication space. The actors of these cultural mediation processes, who had the authority to shape and transport knowledge and culture, were authors, translators, publishers, journalists, and critics. As far as the research initiative of the author of this study is concerned, which focuses on the period between 1867 and the turn of the century (around 1900), it must be stated that this period has so far been only sparsely investigated. As a result of our own wide-ranging press-historical research, a cultural-historical database of the most important German-language organs of this epoch was created, whereby the focus was primarily on the culture section, mainly on the feuilleton yield of these newspapers. In addition to literature and theater, there was also intensive reference to neighboring disciplines, since art criticism, art history and, last but not least, the musical stages in Pest and Vienna were given plenty of space in these organs. In the following, an overview of the history of the press is given in a compact form, followed by selected finds on the subject of music from the last third of the nineteenth century.

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Abstract

Dénes Bartha (1908–1993), the internationally renowned Hungarian music historian, worked as a music critic for Pester Lloyd, the German-language Budapest daily newspaper between 1939 and 1944. Within the five concert seasons, I found a total of four hundred and sixty-five writings by Bartha in the columns of the newspaper, mostly reviews of concerts and opera performances but also some interviews and theoretical articles. The importance of the articles is enhanced by the fact that they commemorate the performances of such distinguished Hungarian musicians as Béla Bartók, Ernst von Dohnányi, Emil Telmányi, Ede Zathureczky, the Waldbauer–Kerpely String Quartet and the Végh Quartet among others, and they also document guest performances in Budapest by such renowned foreign performers as Herbert von Karajan, Wilhelm Furtwängler, Willem Mengelberg, Hans Knappertsbusch, Clemens Krauss, Edwin Fischer and Walter Gieseking. In 2022, one hundred and twenty articles were published in my Hungarian translation from this extremely valuable and diverse material. In this study, I present the main features of Dénes Bartha's perspective as a music critic, taking examples from the articles included in the volume.

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Abstract

In Pannonia from 122 sites 9867 Central Gaulish samian are recorded so far. The greatest number of this pottery has been published from the towns adjacent legionary fortress. Central Gaulish pottery is usually rare to find in cemeteries. The quantity of this ware everywhere greater than that of South Gaulish samian.

90.66% of the Central Gaulish terra sigillata are from Lezoux and 7.6% of this ware can be related to the workshops of Les Martres de Veyre. There may also have been a small number of Central Gaulish sigillata imported from Vichy, Terre Franche, Toulon sur Allier or Lubie. These samall production centres could be considered as possibilities.

The Lezoux group is represented in Pannonia by 15 plain and 2 decorated forms. The decorated ware can be chronologically divided into three large groups. The earliest ware of Trajanic period is quite rare in Pannonia; they occur only in the western part of the province.

The second chronological group, the Hadrianic–early Antonine one is in Pannonia a total of five times larger, than the Trajanic group. The total number of the third group, the Antonine samian is seven times larger, than the number of Hadrianic–early Antonine sigillata.

Hadrian founded 8 to 9 municipiums in Pannonia. The new cities, mainly the two provinial seats Carnuntum and Aquincum had a large shipment of ware from Central Gaul. After the Marcomannic wars (166–180 AD) Rheinzabern took over a leading role on the provincial markets.

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Abstract

Gyula László’s theory, published in 1970, was virtually ignored and received with tacit dismissal by the Hungarian archaeological scholarship and international archaeological community was largely unaware of it. This paper aims to provide clarity for the latter research. Not a single element of the theory was accepted or was acceptable even at the time of its birth: distribution of the late Avar and the Conquest-era sites do not complement each other; István Kniezsa's map is highly discussed and is not suitable for proving that the eighth century Avars were Hungarians; Byzantine sources record the immigration of a military group and not of a people, who later moved on; the “Ugri Bjelii” mentioned in the Russian Primary Chronicle cannot be applicable to this immigration; the so-called of “griffin-tendril” population is about 30 years later as the supposed immigration; there was not a migration from the Káma region in the seventh century) connecting the “Uuangariorum marcha” with the “Onogurs” is highly uncertain; there is no trace of any immigration in the anthropological material of the Avar period.

Errare humanum est.

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