In or. 25 Demosthenes compares Aristogeiton to a watchdog who, instead of defending the sheeps, attacks and tears them to pieces. This picture seems not to be common in Attic rhetoric, but is occurs in Plat. Rep. 416a, where Socrates warns about the danger that the most popular orators, in betrayal of their former task, assault the demos and eventually become tyrants. This platonic passage confers a new meaning to the Demosthenic statement and suggests the possibility that Aristogeiton aimed at tyranny. Hence the nomos, which only can control physis, protects society from the worst human vices (poneria, hybris and anaideia), and represents the most effective defence of democracy.
This paper presents the results of a reexamination of Column V verse 8 of the British Museum Papyrus 134 (Hypereides against Philippides). On the basis of the seemingly unquestioned previous readings (Kenyon, Blass, Jensen) there has developed a more than one-hundred-years-long debate on the dating of the speech in question. But the crucial word, the starting point of the different interpretations (ύπείληφας) cannot be read as it was. All we can see is: [[o]]†προσφας†. By considering some possible emendations any reconstructed verbum finitum is likely to be in the past tense, which determines the questioned date of origin, i.e. post mortem Philippi.
This article discusses the verse 13 of Pindar's sixth Pythian ode. The manuscripts have «χεράδι», but editors generally accept C. D. Beck's conjecture «χεράδει». The text of the manuscripts is also attested in numerous ancient sources, but «χεράδει» also circulated in antiquity as a varia lectio. The ancient criticism on the Pindaric verse is then examined, taking into consideration the possible reading of Aristarchus of Samothrace (fr. 55 Schironi) and the text of P.Oxy. 5039, which probably had χεράδι.
Authors:Erika Gál, László Daróczi-Szabó and Márta Daróczi-Szabó
This paper presents results on three medieval avian bone assemblages found at Debrecen-Monostor-erdő and Debrecen-Tócó-part. respectively. Domestic chicken yielded most of the bird remains to evidence the exploitation of adult birds for egg production and flock maintenance in particular. In addition. feather harvesting and fat production could have been the target of goose (and possibly duck) husbandry. Although the goose bone sizes resemble the greylag goose. the keeping of an unimproved form of domestic goose rather than the hunting of the wild ancestor is suggested by the structure of the assemblage and the presence of healed bones. Wild birds seem to have been rarely consumed by the settlers of the two villages. but the feathers or wings or carcasses of diurnal birds of prey and crows may have been used for special purposes. Either killed for their symbolic meaning or only persecuted for protecting the backyard animals. the red kite (Milvus milvus) and the hen harrier (Circus cyaneus) represent new species for the medieval avifauna of Hungary. similarly to the Northern shoveler (Anas clypeata) and the Northern lapwing (Vanellus vanellus) that could have been hunted in the marshy environment provided by the Tócó creek. Moreover. the use of trained saker falcon (Falco cherrug) for hawking cannot be excluded either. In addition to the exploitation of birds for the abovementioned goods and values. two needle cases made from goose bones evidence the utilization of their skeletal parts as raw material for producing artefacts as well.
In his paper the author deals with a lost late Roman funerary text, Constantius’ epitaph. Based on the manuscript tradition, the epitaph was probably erected in Rome or more rather at Ravenna. Constantius was an important military commander of Western Rome in the 5th century and he had an important role in the fifth century history of Roman Pannonia as he fought against the Barbarians, most probably the Huns who settled down in Pannonia. The earlier identifications must be rejected but his person – unfortunately – cannot be identified with Flavius Constantius Felix. On the other hand, the events (fights against the Huns and the sea-going Vandals) mentioned in the funerary epigram fit perfectly into the period at the beginning of Valentinian III’s reign.
Explicitation, or sometimes increased “explicitness” has attracted considerable attention within translation studies in past decades. The present study employs lexical bundles (LBs) automatically retrieved from a consecutive interpreting corpus to demonstrate the complexity involved in determining the causal factors that may account for this phenomenon. The analysis of the ST‒TT descriptive data demonstrates three regular patterns involved in LB introduction into and recurrence in the interpreted texts, namely, simple addition, repetitive addition and quasi-repetitive addition. By considering the additions of LBs in context, we may illustrate the complexity of possible causation involved.
This paper presents a critical edition of Mordecai Qazaz's poem Adam oglu 'Man's son' written in Crimean Karaim probably at the end of the 18th century. It was published in 1841 under another title by Jacob Firkovich who did not provide the name of its author. This publication has not yet been examined. It is only now that we can identify it with Adam oglu. In the present edition, the text is edited on the basis of four manuscripts and the printed edition. Attempt was made to established the basic form of the poem and discuss language features.