The subject of this contribution is Alexander/Sándor Albrecht’s musical output from the 1920s in the context of the development of the composer’s musical style, his life and the social and political changes in Bratislava after 1918. Albrecht returned to Pressburg/Pozsony in 1908 after his studies in Budapest and devoted his organisational and artistic activity to the city; in 1921 he became the conductor at the Kirchenmusikverein (until 1952), a traditional music institution of the city. In 1920s Albrecht also achieved the creation of his own musical style. Coming out from a base of late Romanticism, Albrecht applied in that time the modernistic principles to his œuvre. In 1924 he wrote his mature Piano Suite, and in 1926 his Sonatina for 11 Instruments, an interesting piece of well-balanced formal and harmonic innovations, and one of the first pieces for chamber ensemble (after Schoenberg’s Kammersinfonie) in the Central European context. In 1929 Albrecht’s oratorio-like Marienleben: Three Poems after R. M. Rilke for soprano, mixed chorus and orchestra was successfully premiered. The present study contains detailed analyses of these three pieces, which are the most outstanding and distinctive works by the composer.
The paper deals with the first recording of Richard Strauss’s tone poem Don Juan, of which the first half (i.e. the first two of a total four sides of this 1916 78-rpm recording) has repeatedly been said to be conducted not by Richard Strauss, but by George Szell who served as Strauss’s assistant at the Berlin court opera at that time. By a close examination of written accounts, I wish to clarify the background of this narrative which Peter Morse, somehow misleadingly, has called an “old story” as early as in 1977, though it seems that it was not given currency prior to the late 1960s when Szell himself mentioned the recording en passant during an interview. In a second step, comparative analyses of certain sections from both this 1916 and Strauss’s later recordings of Don Juan will not only proof Szell’s participation, but aim at determining the respective interpretational concepts in their differing performance choices. Finally, further comparison between Szell’s later Don Juan recordings (1943, 1957, 1969) and selected performances by contemporary conductors intends to help situate Szell within the Austro-German Espressivo tradition, whereby the detailed analysis of tempo-dramaturgical strategies in these recordings will itself contribute to a differentiation of the frequently simplified notion of “Espressivo.”
Authors:Zhihan Zheng, Xiaobin Li, Huitao Liu, and Yuan Gao
This study establishes a method for rapid detection of clonidine and cyproheptadine in foods of animal origin. In order to obtain the best detection method, capillary zone electrophoresis (CZE), large volume sample stacking (LVSS), and sweeping-micellar electrokinetic capillary chromatography (sweeping-MEKC) were used respectively. The limits of detection (LODs) of clonidine and cyproheptadine by LVSS-CZE were 0.028 μg mL−1 and 0.034 μg mL−1, and those by sweeping-MEKC were 0.023 μg mL−1 and 0.031 μg mL−1, respectively. Compared with the CZE method, the two online pre-concentration technologies have greatly improved the detection sensitivity and achieved good enrichment results. However, compared with the sweeping-MEKC system, the LVSS system consumed a longer time and was greatly affected by the actual sample matrix. The sweeping-MEKC method was proved to be suitable for real sample analysis. Under the best sweeping-MEKC conditions, clonidine and cyproheptadine could be well separated within 8 min and good linear relationships in the range of 0.1–1.0 μg mL−1 (r2 > 0.99) were obtained. This method was successfully applied to the determination of clonidine and cyproheptadine in animal-derived foods with the recoveries of 82.3%–90.1% and the relative standard deviations (RSDs) less than 3.11%. The sweeping-MEKC method is simple to operate and has great potential in the rapid detection of clonidine and cyproheptadine in animal-derived foods.
Ernst von Dohnányi's brilliant instrumentation skills were already recognized by his contemporaries. His former disciple and first monographer Bálint Vázsonyi published an anecdote, according to which Béla Bartók considered the orchestral version of Ruralia hungarica (op. 32) as the first truly “orchestrated” Hungarian symphonic work. Nevertheless, neither Dohnányi's own orchestration practices nor the transcriptions he prepared for symphony orchestra from the works of other composers have been studied. This paper examines two of these orchestrations, made in 1928 on the occasion of the Schubert Centenary – Dohnányi's orchestral transcriptions of the Fantasy in F Minor, originally written for piano four hands, and the piano cycle Moments musicaux – both being virtually unknown to the public. The analysis also provides an insight into Dohnányi's interpretation of Schubert, including his approach to the Austrian composer.
In the German-speaking countries during the morally uninhibited years of the Weimar Republic, the opposing cultural epochs of Expressionism and Neue Sachlichkeit dominated the aesthetic landscape. Opera was a central proponent of both movements, as implemented by the Expressionist practitioners and those who favored the subsequent topical and objectifying Zeitoper that sought to move away from representations of psychological distortion to depict social realism that emphasized mechanical technology and lighter, popular narrative themes. Max Brand’s famous Zeitoper, Maschinist Hopkins, will be analyzed to illustrate how it bore fundamental trace elements back to Alban Berg’s Expressionist opera Wozzeck, and likewise, how Hopkins in turn influenced Berg’s second opera Lulu, to constitute a linear association of narrative, music, and theatrical design that simultaneously conformed to and defied the operatic models that all three operas are historically associated with. It will also be suggested that both composers were consequentially influenced by Richard Wagner, promoting vestiges of an even older lineage, which contributed to this association between the three operas at a time when Wagner was less applicable to the trends of innovation and progress.
The purpose of this paper is to clarify the compositional process of the revised version of Liszt's Cantico del Sol di San Francesco d’Assisi, especially focusing on the little-known manuscripts preserved in Weimar, Budapest and Leipzig. The author confirmed for the first time that the “Leipzig copy” of the work also includes Liszt's handwriting. Surely both manuscripts in Weimar and Leipzig are Stichvorlagen for the first edition. The latter is the revised vocal score with accompaniment either on piano or organ. Definitely Liszt also checked the engraver's manuscript of the vocal score for himself. On September 6, 1881 to Carolyne, Liszt wrote the following: “I am going to write the arrangement for piano and organ of the new definitive version of the Cantico di San Francesco.” It is very likely that this arrangement means the “Leipzig copy,” not the piano solo version. Therefore, the date of composition of the latter should be reconsidered. On the other hand, the autograph fragment for orchestra in Budapest is an important correction to the missing manuscript between the early version and the revised one.
In this paper the musicographic significance of the essays on music and the musical criticism of Hungarian novelist Géza Csáth is discussed on the basis of lexicographic entries and the few scholarly papers in which some of his views are present. The picture of this music critic is completed by a brief account of the problems of a stylistic determination of his literary œuvre, as well as of the importance of psychoanalysis for his artistic creativity and activity. There are three main problems in Csáth's writings on music: support of modernism in music, advocacy of national style in artistic music, and emphasis on the importance of artistic individualism; while the first two problems are mentioned in several scholarly works, the third – Csáth's insistence on artistic individualism – has not been the subject of musicological consideration. Likewise, Géza Csáth's aesthetic views on music have not even been identified, though he was a highly educated critic who was among the first to recognize the importance of Béla Bartók and to support impressionism, expressionism and tendencies towards atonal music. Csáth's aesthetic attitudes were clearly influenced by Darwinism and the positivism of the late nineteenth century; yet, in his essays on music, we find much more than an organicistic and psychologistic interpretation, and that is a deeper understanding of the connection between artistic music, the cultural climate, and the changing needs of audiences at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.