Does the system of anaphorics and deictics already change in the first part of sixth century? In this study we have examined the uses of is, ille and ipse in a few of the Admonitiones of Caesarius Arelatensis. The data have been compared with these of Cicero's Pro Milone. Caesarius uses all the forms, but we note that ille is more frequent. This deictic is expanding to the detriment of is. Also it appears that the use as attributive adjective is much less frequent in Caesarius than in Cicero. What is the reason why the use of ille will develop in late common Latin? The meaning of this deictic is very extensive: it points out to a breaking, an innovation or an opposition. It's true when the speaker continues to say words he hopes he expresses something new. Furthermore the meaning of ille is not very far from ipse which means: “He /she /it and nobody /nothing else”.
Proto-Romance linguistic transformations are partially hidden by the archaic style that char- acterizes Late Latin documents. However, these texts (e. g. chronicles) permit insights into the changes undergone by the oral language, because authors and scribes can reproduce unconsciously their own speech habits, already different from Classical standard. In our presentation, this curious duality is shown by the example of noun declension, which is undermined, but not yet completely eliminated, in 7th century Latin. A comparison is made between the so-called Fredegarius, a Merovingian chronicle, and an early French poem, the Eulalia Sequence, which manifests the last stage of the declension, just before its disappearance. The morphological change has its counterpart in the restructuration of the sentence: the neighbourhood of subject and verb becomes usual in the surface structure, and certain limitations are im- posed upon the freedom of word order. Thus, the reconstruction process we propose has two aspects: it is necessary to describe the diastratic variation at different moments of the history of Late Latin, and, on the other hand, the results need to be compared with the Early Romance linguistic systems. In this manner, reconstruction can show the coexistence of tradition and innovation in the language, a necessary condition of its normal functioning.
A number of disparate onomastic phenomena occurring in northwestern Iberia have long puzzled scholars: the abundance of Arabic personal names in early medieval Christian communities, often fossilised as place–names; the extraordinarily profuse Romance toponym Quintana; and a surprisingly high number of hypothetical Amazigh (i.e. Berber) demonyms. In this paper we argue that these seemingly disparate onomastic phenomena can all be explained if it is accepted that following the Islamic invasion of Iberia in 711, the Amazigh settlers of the Northwest were at least partially latinophone. The internal history of the Maghreb suggests this would have been the case at least in the sense of Latin as a lingua franca, a situation which the speed and superficiality of the Islamic conquest of said region would have been unlikely to have altered significantly. In this context, all of the puzzling onomastic elements encountered in the Northwest fall into place as the result of the conquest and settlement of a Romance– speaking region by Romance–speaking incomers bearing Arabic personal names but retaining their indigenous tribal affiliations and logically choosing to interact with the autochthonous population in the lan-guage they all shared.
After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, the imperial ritual was preserved and systematized in the East, in the ‘Byzantine’ Empire, by intensifying and Christianizing. The Book of Ceremonies by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, written in Greek in Constantinople in the 10th century, by compiling protocols of the previous centuries, gathers a rich collection of court rituals to be observed during the great religious and civil ceremonies which accompanied the important events of the reigns of the sovereigns, and the sportive events at the Hippodrome. We investigate about the permanence and the future of the Latin language in the ceremonial of the Byzantine Court: the survival of formulaic expressions of order and acclamation in Latin (rhômaïzein), Latin phrases underlaying the Greek text, and a great lot of Latinisms (rhômaï(k)a lexis) in the institutional and technical lexicon, sometimes unknown in Latin, which attest integrational processes, lexical creation, and phenomens of ‘aller-retour’ (round trip) between the West and the East, and between the Greek and the Latin languages.
This article proposes a quantitative study of the Latin demonstratives as found in the private and original charters of written in Italy between the 8th and 10th century. It also contains a brief qualitative study of the demonstrative IPSE. Our analysis shows that the evolution of the demonstratives in the charters corresponds to their evolution in the spoken language. These analyses also appear to foreshadow the 11th and 12th century Renaissance which occurred in southern Italy and which is perhaps comparable to the Carolingian Renaissance in Gaul. The qualitative analysis of IPSE demonstrates that the grammaticalization of this demonstrative had not acquired the critical point after which it could be treated as a definite article. Aebischer’s hypothesis that IPSE and ILLE functioned as two variants acting in synonymy should therefore be rejected
This paper intends to investigate the development of the periphrastic form for the dative and genitive in the Merovingian charters. The periphrastic forms are reserved in Classical Latin to some special uses: the indirect object after a verb that has the prefix ad- and the partitive function of the genitive they replace. These forms extend to new uses in the Late Latin and are the new majoritarian form for the indirect object, but remain a minoritarian variant for the functions of the classical genitive. The genitival functions adapt to new forms of expression: the periphrastic form and a fixed position in the sentence immediately after the noun, its complete. This paper tries to show and to corroborate by means of statistics and chosen examples of the 7th and 8th centuries the development of these forms, which were still rare in the classical period.
This paper aims to examine some aspects of the verbal inflectional endings found in a corpus of 9th-century legal documents produced in the Lombard duchy of Salerno, in the South of Italy. Compared to nominal inflection, verbal inflection endings display a stronger continuity with the Latin of previous stages. Nevertheless, different types of innovations are observable. On the basis of data from present indicative and subjunctive, two of them will be analysed: 1) innovative forms explicable in terms of well-known morpho-phonological processes and showing convergence with the Romance outcomes 2) innovative variants, that can be interpreted in different ways, diverging both from previous stages of the Latin and from the Romance outcomes. To interpret both these kinds of variation, a crucial role is played by external factors such as the cultural level of the authors of the documents and their capability to conform to the traditional linguistic models.
Our contribution to the Colloquium of Late and Vulgar Latin has been anticipated by previous interventions and articles written on that subject. We have been much helped by the online data of the projects PaLaFra and CoLaMer, which are offering a wide range of texts in late Latin, both historical and hagiographic.We found it hard to define aspirated consonants: they do not exist in modern languages (for instance in French), where they are called digrams or graphical groups or graphemes.
In a corpus made up of late Latin texts, we have discovered words of various origins which contain aspirated consonants: the Hebrew ones are very numerous: pascha or proper names: Seth, Lamech, Iafet/Iaphet (Fredegar), Sabaoth (Passio Quirini). There are also Greek words borrowed by Latin: machi- natio, monachus, thesaurus, prophetess. The Merovingian texts (6th-8th centuries) are a real source of words containing aspirated consonants: the unadapted Frankish words of Pactus legis salicae, which occur together with latinized ones: Bothem, Rhenus, chranne. In Liber Historiae Francorum there are many names of persons and of populations which contain aspirated consonants: Chlodio, Merovechus, Childericus, Gothi. There are many hesitations in the transcription of the aspirated consonants in late Latin texts, therefore we consider our intervention a very useful one for latinists, for specialists of Old French and for romanists.
We know about a significant number of inscriptions – the major part of them were found in Rome - in which the pronoun idem, the form of the nominative masculine, stands in the place of another grammatical gender or case of the same word (usually a dative), or in the place of the adverb item. In the edited epigraphic corpora, this form is usually interpreted as adverbial and emendated for item. However, in similar context (as for example in the title), we can often see isdem too, the archaic form of the nominative masculine, which cannot be explained on the base of the phonology as derivated from item. In the 19th century, Friedrich Ritschl thought that these forms substituted in reality eidem (dative singular of idem), and explained the change based on phonology (eidem to idem), and then on analogy (idem to isdem). An explanation like this imply the fossilisation of the pronoun, since the variants of the nominative masculine occure in the place of another inflected form of the word, specifically in the dative. In 1907, E. H. Sturtevant published an article (Some Unfamiliar Uses of Idem and Isdem in Latin Inscriptions) in which he intended to refute Ritschl’s claim and to give another interesting interpretation. In his opinion, the fenomenon has different origins in Ostia and in Rome. In his theory, the occurrences of the form idem in a position, which is different from the nominative masculine of the pronoun, are dialectic variants of item if they are from Ostia; though the same forms registrated in Rome are interpreted as consciously used nominatives. In consequence, the fossilisation of the word would be a non-existent fenomenon. The aim of this study is to examine critically Sturtevant’s argumentation concerning the fossilisation of the pronoun idem and its eventual fusion with the adverb item.