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Summary:

Close appositions are binominal constructions in which the two nouns are combined and denote a single entity. Throughout the history of Latin, syntactic and morphological variation in appositions point to a gradient from juxtapositional structures, where the two members are semantically and syntacti- cally on a par, to hierarchical structures, where the two members build various semantic and syntactic relations, yielding multiple and context-dependent interpretations. As it will be shown, the gradient-based model proposed in this paper captures variation and change in close appositions more adequately than approaches attributing an invariant internal structure to these constructions.

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Support verb constructions are documented throughout the history of Latin. These syntagms are characterized by the presence of a support verb with a more or less reduced semantic force, and a predicative (abstract or verbal) noun that often constitutes its direct object. The present contribution deals, specifically, with the use of facio as a support verb (as in bellum facere, iter facere, insidias facere etc.), focussing on the post-classical and late period. Two main questions shall be discussed: (a) whether, and if so, how facio becomes more productive in later centuries in both non-Christian and Christian sources; (b) what type of semantic evolution the verb undergoes in later Latin and whether, in this respect, continuity or rupture should be assumed with regard to the earlier period. This last point will enable us to suggest a more convincing explanation of an often-quoted passage of Cicero (Phil. 3. 22), in which the expression contumeliam facere is found.

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At the beginning of my paper I have explained why I could not use the new finds of the Vindolanda Tablets. In this regard I quoted the letter I sent to Professor Bowman and the kind answer he gave me. Then I took into account three elements of the Vindolanda Tablets until now published that deserve attention, namely (1) the conflation of second and third conjugation of Latin verb, which is considered a feature of Vulgar Latin, (2) the presence of official language in distinguishing the familiar puer from the formal servus to mention a slave, and (3) the use of rogo (or similar verbs) + ut or the simple subjunctive. In all these cases the presumption of Vulgar Latin in Vindolanda tablets must be reduced. As to the first I actually challenged in some cases the supposed conflation of second and third conjugation. I demonstrated that the expression qui debunt (instead of debent) must be read qui debent, because the letter V of debunt is a false reading for E written in the cursive form employed not only in Vindolanda tablets but also in a letter sent by Cl. Terentianus to his father, Cl. Tiberianus, in P. Mich. VIII 468. 40. The closing greetings Valu fratur (Vindolanda Tablet 301 Plate XXIII), which of course must be read Vale frater is a proof that in the cursive formula of final greetings, written in a kind of currente calamo, a cursive script was employed and the conflation of second and third conjugation must be reduced in some cases to a cursive (and regular) script. Also as to the difference between puer and servus, and rogo + subj. (with ut or without ut) the Vindolanda’s Latin was not so vulgar as could be supposed if we consider Octavius’ and Chrautius’ Latinitas. In particular the construction of rogo + subj. (with ut or withour ut) was object of study because Latin speaker showed a great attention in choosing one or the other construction as happened in a couple of letters sent by Brutus and Cassius to Mark Antony. Maybe this depended upon the action of military scribes, as Adams right supposed. On the other hand, if we consider the role played by Brittain Latin in the Carolingian Renaissance, every defence of correct Latin in this region requires a larger investigation. Therefore the use of the new Vindolanda Letters should have a great weight.

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“There are 150 words in Catullus which occur once only in his writings, and of these more than 70 per cent are rare in the whole of Latin literature, and more than 90 per cent do not occur in Vergil at all” – writes J. Whatmough in his work Poetic, Scientific, and other Forms of Discourse, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1956, 41. It is necessary to distinguish between genuine and apparent once-words. The true once-word is a coinage that never recurs; the number of the true once-words is exceedingly small. Catullus’ once-words were well known, but not in writing. Theoretically one would expect such words to be polysyllabic; so are the comic jawbreakers of Aristophanes which fit the pattern of his verse so well. The hapax legomena of Catullus are not genuine once-words of the spoken language, but they are vulgar and in some contexte obscene. We can, therefore, regard them as taboo words. They occur sometimes in similes; cf. Poems 17, 23, 25, 97. In my paper I would like to analyse some vulgar hapax legomena of Catullus.

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The paper deals with the derivational category of ‘action nouns’ both as a subject of general linguistics and as a problem of Indo-European morphology (primarily in the diachrony of Latin but also from the perspective of comparative philology). First of all, I elucidate the concepts used in the analysis of verbal abstracts – above all their well renowned definition by Walter Porzig as “Namen für Satzinhalte”. Subsequently, I interpret some passages occurring in comedies of Plautus and epigraphic documents of Old Latin illustrating the diachronic developments by accounting for some construction patterns under consideration of their ‘suprasyntactic’ aspects. In the paragraphs following, I discuss a variety of IE actional types (including the genesis of infinitives), also taking care of some significant relics of verbal constructions in Ancient Greek.

The implication scale of increasing ‘concretization’, which I proposed and utilized in my studies so far, exhibits a development from action via the steps: result, instrument, location leading to (collective) agents. This thesis may also be corroborated by a number of Latin testimonies.

According to my concept of correlation between frequency of nomina actionis and nomina acti on the one hand and the corresponding text type on the other, I present a number of examples taken from the authors Vitruvius, Frontinus, Petronius, Juvenalis, Justinus and Dares Phrygius. I describe and interpret them by means of qualitative criteria and quantitative parameters such as occurrence, semantic profile and competition in relation to alternative derivational types that employ cognate stems and affixes.

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According to the communis opinio, Lat. leuga was a Gaulish loanword, survived in the Romance languages and was borrowed into Old English. However, this scenario faces three unsolved problems: the non–Celtic diphthong –eu–, the Proto–Romance form *legua and the fact that the Old English word cannot continue the Latin form on phonological grounds. This paper argues that all these problems can regularly be solved by the reconstructed West Germanic and Gothic cognates of the Old English word borrowed into Gaulish and early Romance dialects, respectively.

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This paper aims to advance a comprehensive theory of binding, which can account for all binding patterns found in Polish, some of which are particularly puzzling for traditional and novel formulations of Binding Theory. Namely, Polish reflexive pronouns/possessives are typically (nominative) subject oriented but they can also have dative Object Experiencers, OEs, as antecedents. Yet, OEs are also appropriate local antecedents for pronominal possessives. Our analysis explains the complementarity of pronouns and reflexives and lack thereof by assuming that the Spell-out form of the reflexive/pronoun is determined by its covert movement, while a binding dependency is established via Agree for [var(iable):_] feature.

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This paper sheds light on the treatment of initial gemination in Qassimi Arabic (QA), a Najdi dialect spoken in the Al-Qassim region in central Saudi Arabia, within the framework of Parallelism, an Optimality Theory (OT) model. The study concludes that initial geminates, which are non-actual surface forms in QA, result from the assimilation of the prefix /t-/ to stem-initial consonants of Arabic verb forms II and III, as well as hollow verbs, to avoid violation of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP). On the other hand, initial semisyllables, as moraic consonants, originate from initial gemination and consequently motivate prosthesis; that is, the purpose of prosthesis is to affiliate a semisyllable to the syllable node without causing violation of the Strict Layer Hypothesis (SLH). Sequences of assimilation of prefix /t-/ plus prosthesis do not occur simultaneously, whereas regressive assimilation feeds the prosthetic vowel [i], which, in turn, feeds the prosthetic glottal stop [ʔ] to concur with the Onset Principle. These sequences thus indicate transparent rule interactions, that is, feeding. Parallel OT is then successfully utilized to account for this type of phonological derivation.

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This paper discusses two Hungarian verbal particles that belong to the semantic group of repetitive elements. The main focus is on the verbal particle újra ‘again’, which has primarily been discussed as an adverb with repetitive and restitutive meanings (with the exception of Csirmaz 2015) but can be a verbal particle, which is distinct both from the adverb and from most other verbal particles. The verbal particle vissza ‘back’, which expresses counterdirectionality will be claimed to be like typical, primarily directional verbal particles and to be a part of the result component of the argument structure. Újra ‘again’ as a verbal particle is analyzed on a par with some non-directional particles and idiomatic resultative phrases that are inserted into the structure in a functional projection below the external argument.

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