This paper aims at describing some of the main structural and functional characteristics of two subordinate patterns, namely infinitive clauses governed by verba dicendi et sentiendi (i.e. the so-called Accusativus cum Infinitivo) and participial clauses, as they occur in the Vulgate. The characteristics of the use of the Accusativus cum Infinitivo will be interpreted within the context of the uses of this structure in other Latin texts written in different periods. In particular, and in the framework of a functional-typologi- cal approach, we will investigate word-order phenomena.
This paper aims at describing some of the main structural and functional characteristics of completive clauses governed by verba dicendi et sentiendi in Boethius's De consolatione philosophiae. The characteristics of the use of the Accusativus cum Infinitivo (AcI) will be analysed in comparison with the uses of other Latin authors. The data will be described on the basis of two main aspects: constituent order, and the coreferentiality of the subject of the AcI with elements in the main clause. Compared to the predominance of AcI constructions, quod-clauses show a consistent pattern and are limited to well- defined contexts. Some aspects of the use of quin and ut will also be described. Special attention will be given to the problems of syntactic and semantic interpretation of the governing verbs, which can be difficult to define clearly. This study will also set the ground for further research on the influence of Boethius's Latin model on Italo-Romance literary texts in the Middle Ages, both on the syntactic and the stilistic level.
The copious corpus of deviations from standard Latin from Trier spans more than 800 years (50 BC–800 AD) and comprises both pagan and Christian inscriptions, the latter exclusively on tombstones. This paper points out the most salient non-standard features in the categories of phonetics, morphology, syntax and vocabulary. Most of them conform to standard Vulgar Latin, but some yield features of the inscriptions’ area, such as Western Romance (preservation of final -s, voicing intervocalic stops), Gallo-Romance (qui instead of quae, nasalisation), and the extinct Moselle Romance. A few features might reflect Gaulish substrate influence ([u] > [y], e before nasals > i, ē > ī, ō > ū, -m > -n). Clues for palatalisation and the raisings ē > ī, ō > ū are the most prominent phonetic features, the latter supporting, combined with the preservation of final -s, a renewed paradigm of nominal inflection. Morphosyntactic changes are driven by analogy and regularisations. Starting at the fringes, the erosion of case syntax ended up in a complete breakdown. Christianity fostered the recording of previously undocumented substandard features, completed the assimilation of Celtic (which pagan polytheism and the upwards mobility of Roman society had initiated) and supported the cultural integration of Germanic immigrants.
Centones are works that might be interpreted as bis in idem, in a positive manner, being si- multaneously a revitalisation of prior works and an independent piece, which grants a perception per se. In addition to their poetic value, a major relevance draws from the text itself, as descendant of a previous source, perfectly known not only to the author of the cento, but to the public as well, capable to appreci- ate the virtuosity. Cento nuptialis composed by Ausonius is to be considered both as Vergilian inheritance manoeuvred with poetic skill and as binomial of theory and practice, preserved in the letter addressed to Paulus.
We examine two formal aspects: the iunctura points and the entire verses taken from Vergil. The iunctura of the hemistichs seems to be occasionally generated by the presence of a certain word. Regard- ing the entire Vergilian verses, the letter addressed to Paulus states that two consecutive entire verses ineptum est: the assertion might be understood either as aiming at two consecutive verses in the source text, or as two entire verses, belonging to different parts of the source text. If the second interpretation is correct, Cento nuptialis begins inelegantly (ineptum).
In introductions to the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae it is always stated that the ThLL considers all texts up to about 600 AD. But what does this mean in concrete terms: ‘all’ and ‘up to approx. 600’? Is an inscription from the year 610 still cited? And how did the ThLL define this limit? I will deal with these questions here. In addition, I will briefly explain to what extent the ThLL is not only the most comprehensive Latin dictionary, but also the only modern Late Latin dictionary.
Linguistic color refers to a wide variety of notions: In traditional rhetoric it refers to elements of ornatus in speech, typically rhetoric figures. Secondly, emotions and acoustic qualities come into view. Quintilian was the first to add a moral and educational component. Finally, Cicero and Quintilian share the social connotation of color: They highlight the color of Rome as linguistic principle: the capital's urbanitas guides orators as well as all other inhabitants of Rome. The semantical range of color develops from rhetoric to sociolinguistics.
The aim of the paper is to examine the types of coreferentiality that exist between implicit and explicit elements of absolute constructions and the constituents of the clauses in which these constructions are embedded. The question is analysed from a diachronic perspective. I argue that the problem of coreferentiality should be taken into consideration in discussions on the emergence of the accusative or nominative absolute, and in discussions about such phenomena as nominativus pendens.
This paper looks at uses and pragmatic functions of five hypothetic clauses used parenthetically in Late Latin to soften the illocutionary force of potentially face-threatening acts such as orders and requests. Specifically, the data show that these politeness markers typically mitigate a very specific type of interactional move, i.e., meta-textual proposals with topic-management, turn-yielding, and discourseorganizational concerns. Moreover, the corpus-based study has revealed that they are found above all in Augustine’s philosophical dialogues. Evidence from earlier research has shown, on the other hand, that in Classical Latin si placet was used almost exclusively in Cicero’s philosophical dialogues: this suggests a process of imitation within a very specific discourse tradition, where these markers are perceived as a stylistic feature typical of urbane conversations among educated friends.
The Vetus Latina Bible includes a variety of vocabulary according to various translators’ and revisers’ milieus and intents as they worked from Greek originals. This study aims to analyze the use of cultic verbs in the Vetus Latina Book of Daniel in all its pluriformity, and in Jerome’s translations of the Greek additions to this book.
In order to do so, I focus on key patristic witnesses to trace verbs denoting or connoting divine worship, from the time of Tertullian of Carthage, over Cyprian of Carthage and Lucifer of Caralis, to Jerome of Stridon. The expressions treated, each corresponding to a Greek verb, are: seruio, colo, famulor, appareo, exomologesin facio, hymnum cano, sacrifico, timeo, benedico, adoro, laudo, confiteor, and primitiae. They are analyzed in relation to their Greek Vorlagen and to the Latin context consisting in similar renderings by the same Fathers. The biblical book’s fragmentary VL manuscript evidence and the wider patristic and liturgical tradition are also taken into account. This approach allows for a diachronic view marked sometimes by continuity, sometimes by change, for the Latin rendering of a Greek verb.