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Arts and Humanities journals’ primary focus is on presenting theoretical and empirical research in these respective fields. The main goal is to encourage educational research and connect academia to the scientific community. Researchers and scholars need to share their research findings with others to help better understand and act on the ongoing social changes in the field. The Arts and Humanities journals aim to provide a platform for everyone who shares a common interest in these fields and to group all the latest field findings in one place.
Arts and Humanities
New research concerning Florentine Artists in Hungary at Buda, Esztergom and the Bakócz-Chapel. The hitherto unknown documents discussed here regard the time from ca. 1470 to 1504. They give us the names of Florentine artists who worked for Matthias Corvinus and his successor Wladislaw II as well as for the Archbishop of Esztergom and Primate of Hungary, Tamás Bakócz. Until now, only the sculptor Gregorio di Lorenzo, the wood carver Chimente Camicia and five carpenters who worked under his supervision in Buda were known. According to Vasari, Chimente Camicia was the leading master who worked not only in wood but was also an architect and engineer who is said to have looked after Corvinus’ buildings including fountains and gardens. However, this can no longer maintained because the newly discovered documents establish that Gregorio di Lorenzo was Corvinus capomaestro. He was in Buda between 1475 and the early 1490’s. Besides his figural works, he was also responsible for a certain Hungarian decorative style that went back to Giovanni di Bertino who was the brother-in-law and collaborator of his teacher, Desiderio da settignano. The recognition that a stone carver without architectural expertise could direct building projects for Matthias Corvinus confirms the view that the extant Gothic buildings in Buda were rather ‘modernized’ than newly created Renaissance structures.
The new documents also give us the names of six stone masons and sculptors so that we have a more precise picture of the Buda artistic scene. Among these, were Francesco di Bartolomeo telli and his companion Simone di Francesco, Filippo di Pagno di Lapo Portigiani, Martino di Matteo di Mario di Maino, Giovanni di Romolo di Tomaso Michi and Francesco di Antonio di Piero. More exact informations are obtainable only for Filippo di Pagno and Giovanni Michi. This enables the suggestion that Filippo di Pagno who was trained in Bologna by his father Pagno di Lapo as a sculptor and architect, may have been responsible for the invention of a double tiered loggia in the Court of State in Buda in order to hide the heterogeneous Gothic buildings for a more harmonious appearance. Palace courtyards with such loggia were typical of contemporary Bologna but not of Florentine palace architecture.
Giovanni Michi is documented as a collaborator of the bronze specialist Bertoldo di Giovanni who was in the service of Lorenzo il Magnifico. Therefore, he belonged to the inner circle of Medici artists which included Giuliano da Sangallo and Francione. He must certainly have been involved with the execution of the glazed terracotta frieze at Poggio a Caiano which Bertoldo created at Lorenzo il Magnifico’s behest. Michi was also a close friend of Michelangelo whom he knew from the San Marco garden workshop and from his subsequent activity as manager of Michelangelo’s Roman studio between 1508 and 1510. Since Michi very probably learned bronze techniques from Bertoldo, he is a plausible candidate for some of the documented bronzes in Buda, such as the Centaur Battle which was undoubtedly indebted to the precedents made by Bertoldo and Michelangelo in Florence.
New names also emerge for the carpenters and intarsia makers in Corvinus’ employ in Buda among whom were two other members of the Camicia family: Niccolò di Nardo and Jacopo di Biagio Camicia. It also turns out that Gaetano Milanesi’s claim concerning the brothers Baccio and Francesco Cellini in Buda can now be substantiated. The most important of those artists was Jacopo Camicia whose artistic career has been reconstructed by the author. He was trained in the important workshop of the Geri brothers who worked for Cosimo il Vecchio de’ Medici and there made excellent professional contacts. Jacopo was in Buda at the latest from 1477 and is further traceable into the early sixteenth century. He led the workshop which made the burial chapel in Esztergom for Tamás Bakócz. Since 1475/1476 Jacopo had been involved with the first project for the inner façade of Santo Spirito in Florence which influenced the architecture of the Bakócz-Chapel as already noticed in the literature, he may well have been its architect.
The account books of the Florentine merchant active in Buda, Antonio Bini, mention other Florentine artists then busy there and elsewhere in Hungary. Among these was the scarpellino Giovanni di Romolo di Domenico Baccelli who was Giuliano da Sangallo’s nephew. He had been trained in the workshop of Jacopo del Mazza and Andrea Ferrucci who worked closely together with the Da Sangallo brothers. These connections suggest that Giovanni Baccelli and his workshop carried out the two sacrament tabernacles at Pest and Pécs, and also provide reasonable evidence to attribute to him the execution of the ornament in the Bakócz-Chapel since these are closely related to the design and style of the formal vocabulary of the Del mazza/Ferrucci workshop. Therefore, we can now identify the Florentine masters who created and executed the most important Renaissance building in Hungary: Jacopo Camicia who planned the chapel and Giovanni Baccelli who directed the stone masters who carved it out.
The Porta speciosa of Esztergom •
Historical and iconological approach to the western portal of the medieval Esztergom Cathedral
This essay was carried out in the framework of a research programme (Thesaurus Mediaevalis, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, 2017–2022) funded by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and deals with one of the most complex but hardly accessible works of the Árpád period, the former main portal of the Esztergom Cathedral, which was decorated with sculptures and inlaid marble images. It was built in the last decade of the 12th century under King Béla III (1172–1196) and survived the Turkish invasion, but its remains were destroyed during the 19th century construction works. Since then, it exists only in textual sources, depictions and museum fragments. The present work aims primarily to collect and catalogue the fragments, but also to examine the structure of this work of exceptional quality, the artistic orientation of its workshop and the content of the images. It examines questions such as the history of the construction of the building, the sculptural quality of the fragments, which European art centres are related to them (including, in addition to the dominant role of the centres in northern Italy, the Byzantine influence conveyed by the various forms of transport), the circumstances under which the artists could have arrived in the Kingdom of Hungary, the inspiration for their art, what their knowledge and the needs of their clients reveal, and whether there were any interruptions, changes of plan or new beginnings during the construction.
Propugnaculum sive Clipeus Christianitatis •
Bildliche Darstellungsvarianten eines europaweit bekannten geflügelten Wortes von großer Vergangenheit in der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts und zu Beginn des 18. Jahrhunderts
Propugnaculum sive Clipeus Christianitatis. Variants of the pictorial representation of a time-honoured European adage in Hungary in the second half of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth centuries. The news of the ill-starred military encounter at Vezekény on 26 August 1652 had unusually strong reverberations in Hungary and Europe. Judged by the contemporaries, those killed in the clash – including four members of the aristocratic Esterházy family – set an inspiring example of moral courage in the teeth of Turkish superiority in numbers: in a hopeless battle they chose perseverance to the end, that is, heroic self-sacrifice instead of surrendering. In addition to numerous quondam utterances including some quality works of literature, testifying to the intrepidity and fighting value of the Hungarian estates, two works of the applied arts – the subject matter of the paper – were also created with the aim of perpetuating the glorious memory of the fallen heroes.
In the years after the accession of Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor (1658–1705) and King of Hungary (1657–1705) the politically active Hungarian estates had to acknowledge to their dismay that in the top echelon of the Viennese court the plan of an anti-Ottoman campaign – or any action to retaliate the incessant plundering and captive taking raids causing great casualties – was not on the agenda. A group of the politically active Hungarian estates had to draw the very severe conclusion which was hard to face up to. in order to prevent the slow but sure dissipation of “royal Hungary” they were forced to do something. And since they had no other chance, they were reduced to take the step which was tantamount to the renunciation of the earlier generations’ and their own political credo. Consequently, in their opinion, they were obliged to offer cooperation with the Porte, even if it entailed the degradation of the remains of the country to the status of a vassal state. Obviously, such a step – the ultima ratio – if it were to come about, would entail (would have entailed) serious consequences for the foreign, West European attitude toward the country, the Kingdom of Hungary. In this situation the intention or plan of the malcontens Hungarian lords had to incorporate some response to the prospective and understandable antipathy – and to the intrigues of the Viennese court. They would have to issue manifestos, statements with convincing arguments and forward them to West European towns and courts, first of all to Rome, to the decision-makers of the papal curia from where the greatest influence on public opinion could be expected. The essential message of these manifestos, which are not known among completed documents but survive in fragments in diverse aristocratic archives, was a firm and irrevocable determina tion: the vow and pledge that the population would keep their faith, their religion during vassalage as well and – in this sense – would continue to be the stronghold of respublica christiana, the Christian community. The promotion and stressing of this pledge as well as the demonstration of a peculiar interpretation of the past with the tools of visual art was the original and basic function of the unsigned engraving from the second half of the 1660s discussed in detail in the paper. Oddly enough, it was made at a time – without notable, well known iconographic antecedents – when the Kingdom of Hungary in her helpless situation was getting ever farther away from becoming (one of) the bulwark(s) or safeguard(s) of the Christian community. The client for whom the engraving was made must have been Count Ferenc (Franz) Nádasdy, the mastermind of the failed initiative and head of the anti-Habsburg conspiracy of the aristocracy – himself a sincere advocate and vigorous supporter of reviving Catholicism.
The historic military events of the last one and a half decades in the seventeenth century – the triumphant termination of the Ottoman wars in Hungary, the expulsion of the Turks – overruled the original meaning of the time-honoured adage known all over Europe, the idea that Hungary was one of the safeguards/bulwarks of the western Christian community. Although it might have lost its topicality, it did not fall out of public remembrance. It underwent some modification, some shift of tone, the militant slogan of mobilization giving way to reference to the heroic deeds of the forefathers, to the glorious past, the historical merits of the kingdom, of Hungaria. Added to this – by way of a conclusion – is the profound conviction rooted in historical experience that it was not in vain to persevere above their strength against the pagan world power in calamitous times. To the contrary, the nation owed her well-nigh miraculous survival to it. After all, the fact that her disintegration and perdition could be avoided must have been by the will of divine providence. This idea is conveyed in a visual language by an extremely effective composition, an engraving made in Augsburg in the first decade of the eighteenth century undoubtedly upon a Hungarian commission. What were the Abbot of Pannonhalma P. Aegidius Karner’s ideas or intentions to have this engraving made? In the closing section of the paper an attempt is made to answer this question.
The paper deals with the material analysis of four emblematic stone fragments from Saint Adalbert Cathedral and the Royal Palace of Esztergom from King Béla III’s era. All of the four examined objects (two fragments from the Porta speciosa and two throne arm-rests) have incrustations with red limestone basement and other colourful stone pieces. As red limestone is a well-known material in Hungarian art history with a rich historiography, the paper focuses on the findings of the analyses of other stone materials of the incrustations. The research contains several non-destructive analytical methods, such as relative humidity measurement, macroscopic and microscopic photography and X-ray fluorescence with lithologic description. Besides the comparative analysis of the stone materials, archive documents, the current state and the impacts of subsequent restorations of the four stone artefacts were also studied.
Abstract
The paper introduces a part of a larger research project, conducted within the frames of a doctoral thesis. The main goal of the thesis is to trace the conceptual developments of Hungarian literary policy during the short 20th century, a period of fundamental political and social changes, by using state awarded literary prizes as indicators. In the following, the significance of literary prizes will first be outlined from a cultural-political and literary-sociological point of view, then one of the prizes analysed in the research, the Kossuth-Prize, as well as some sample results will be presented in detail.
Abstract
The present study analyzes the transformation of the vowel system and especially the process of vowel mergers based on the Latin inscriptions of the Gallic and Germanic provinces. With the help of the Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of the Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age (http://lldb.elte.hu/), it tries to draw and then compare the phonological profiles of the selected provinces and to describe the dialectal position of Gaul and the Germanic provinces regarding vocalism in three periods (AD 1–300, 301–500 and 501–700). The analysis, which also covers comparisons with certain provinces of Italy, Spain and Dalmatia, is carried out considering four aspects: the ratio of vocalic versus consonantal changes, the ratio of vowel mergers compared to vocalic changes, the ratio of e-i and o-u mergers compared to each other, and the ratio of vowel mergers by stressed and unstressed syllable. As a result of the present study, it was revealed that Gallic provinces cannot be treated as a unit or as clearly separate from the other areas studied according to either aspect of the study, especially not in the early, pre-Christian period. Gallic provinces appear to behave in the same or a levelled manner at most in the later and/or latest periods. The Germanic provinces, especially Germania Superior, have, albeit with some delay, adapted to the Gallic provinces in their late development. The present study, which continued József Herman's research, managed to explore the hitherto little-known linguistic and dialectological features of Latin in the Gallic and Germanic provinces.
Adalékok a Darkó–Moravcsik-vitához •
Franz Dölger tíz kiadatlan levele Moravcsik Gyulához
ABSZTRAKT
Darkó Jenő Laonikos Chalkokondylés szövegkiadásának megítélése már megjelenése óta vita tárgya. Bár annak idején a tudományos közvélemény jelentős része egyértelmű elismeréssel szólt Darkó munkájáról, a többség lelkesedését nem mindenki osztotta. A legélesebb, hasonló vitában már-már példátlanul kemény hangot éppen a fiatalabb honfi- és pályatárs, Moravcsik Gyula ütötte meg. Kettejük egyre inkább eldurvuló vitája nemzetközi nyilvánosságot is kapott. Ehhez a vitához kívánunk újabb adalékokkal szolgálni Franz Dölgernek, a Byzantinische Zeitschrift hajdani főszerkesztőjének tíz, Moravcsikhoz írt levelének bemutatásán keresztül.
ABSZTRAKT
Írásom az ördög egy kivételes ábrázolásáról szól, amely a híres román stílusú angliai kódex, a Winchester Psalter (Cotton MS Nero C. IV) 18. foliójának rectóján, a Jézus első kísértését ábrázoló jeleneten látható. Hogy megmagyarázzam, miért különleges ez az ábrázolás, összevetem a korabeli angliai készítésű kódexek kísértés-jeleneteinek ördögeivel, és azonosítom az alak inspirációs forrását, aki meglepő módon nem más, mint az ókori egyiptomi istenség, Bész. Megmagyarázom, hogyan lehetséges, hogy az illuminátor ismerte Bészt, milyen okok rejlenek a választás mögött, mit változtatott rajta, és miképp építette be az alakot a zsoltároskönyv ikonográfiai programjába.
Harminchárom eltérő vagy új olvasat •
Hypereidés Athénogenés elleni beszédében
ABSZTRAKT
A tanulmány azt a harminchárom szöveghelyet mutatja be, ahol Jensen mértékadó kiadásához ké-pest a szerző eltérő vagy új olvasatot javasol. A javítások autopsziával végzett kollacionálás eredményei. Bár többségük kisebb jelentőségű, néhány új olvasat Athénogenés és Troizén kapcsolatát jobban érthetővé teszi. A városba később makedón helyőrséget telepítő athéni metoikos minden bizonnyal Troizénban nevelkedett és emiatt menekült oda vissza Chairóneia előestéjén. Ezért kaphatott bizalmat a troizéniaktól, amivel a szónok állítása szerint rútul visszaélt.
Mixobarbaros – mixobarbaroi •
A mixobarbaros melléknév jelentése Anna Komnéné Alexias című kortörténetében
ABSZTRAKT
A dolgozat Gyóni Mátyás Paristrion bizánci thema XI. századi történetéről és az Alexiasban előforduló népnevekről szóló tanulmányából kiindulva új megközelítésben vizsgálja az idézett forrásokat. A μιξοβάρβαρος szó történetét a klasszikus kortól nyomon követve megállapítja, hogy a mellék nevet eredetileg a görög világ peremvidékén fekvő városok (görög és barbár) lakosságára, majd a nem (attikai) görög nyelvre, később a kerülendő és (erkölcsileg) elítélhető jelenségek és személyek, végül a nem orthodox keresztények minősítésére használták. A XI–XIII. századi bizánci szerzők is általában megbélyegzésként használták a melléknevet. Michaél Attaleiatés klasszikus helyén viszont a melléknév semleges tartalmú, használata két klasszikus szerző nyelvhasználatával (Plat. 245d; Xen. Hell. 2, 1, 5) egyező, azzal a különbséggel, hogy a mixobarbaroi (ODB s. v.) nem egyetlen város, hanem egy adott térség, Paristrion (városainak) kevert lakosságát jelöli. Anna Komnéné művében a szóhasználat egyedi, amenynyiben a kettős származású (feltehetően vegyes házasságból származó) μιξοβάρβαρος legfontosabb jellegzetessége az, hogy kétnyelvű.
ABSZTRAKT
A tanulmány a Moreai Krónika (Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως) keletkezését, az írói szándékokat és a mű szerkezetét tárgyalja. A Krónika két legkorábbi görög kéziratának befejezése eltér egymástól: az egyik időrendi sorrendben folytatja a peloponnésosi frankok történetét, a másik egy jelentősen korábbi (?), oda nem illő, csaknem 400 soros legendával végződik Sir Geoffroy de Bruyères lovagról – ezt a történetet a másik kézirat több ezer sorral előbb említi. A verses mű átfogó elemzése, illetve e részlet jelentősége és helye alapján feltételezhető, hogy a Krónika – az ókori eposzokhoz hasonlóan – „énekekből” állhatott, azaz olyan kisebb egységekből szerkesztették össze, amelyeket önállóan adtak elő. A tanulmány első fele részletesen vizsgálja a Krónika felépítését, és feltárja, mi tartja össze az egyes énekeket, és milyen célból szerkesztették őket össze szerves egésszé. Ezután a szerkezethez nem illeszkedő, fent említett egység kérdéseit elemzi: a részlet ugyanis több népmesei motívumot is tartalmaz, mindemellett pedig párhuzamokat mutat a keresztes témájú chanson de geste-ek (keresztes-ciklus) antihőseinek történeteivel. Bemutatja, milyen kapcsolat állhat fenn a Krónika és az ófrancia vitézi énekek között, illetve hogyan hatott a frank irodalmi és kulturális hagyomány a műre. A kutatás során elemzett fontosabb részleteket a szerző a tanulmány függelékében saját irodalmi fordításában közli.
ABSZTRAKT
Nisibis Kr. u. 350-ben lezajlott ostroma a görög forrásokban többféleképpen szerepel. A szövegek között megállapíthatók függési viszonyok is, az eltérések alapján azonban olykor egyéb (mára már elveszett) közvetítő forrásokat is feltételeznünk kell. A tanulmány a Chronicon Paschale és Theophanés krónikájának az ostromról szóló szöveghelyeit vizsgálja, s a két szövegben fellelhető hasonlóságokra és eltérésekre igyekszik magyarázatot adni.
Abstract
The main goal of this paper is to provide a preliminary examination of the vulgar Latin grammatical gender system. The inscriptional evidence is studied closely to achieve this goal, this way the broad structure of the loss of the neuter can be observed and previously unknown dialectical differences can be discovered. Having done this groundwork further studies can investigate this material more thoroughly, and with a better understanding of the general features.
Abstract
This paper examines the aberrant usages of grapheme <Y> in the Latin inscriptions of the province Hispania. The analyzed corpus includes cases in which both upsilon is replaced by means of <I>, <V> or <VI> and cases in which, conversely, <Y> replaces <I>, <V> or other spellings within either Hellenic or non-Hellenic words. The situation attested in the Iberian Peninsula is in line with the general situation of the Roman Empire, with Hispania belonging to the group of provinces in which I-spellings prevailed over V-spellings already in the Early Period (1st–3rd c. AD).
Abstract
Amor plays a curious and complicated role in the Augustan regime, and especially in Augustus's secret plans to create a monarchy, for on the one hand the princeps wished to regulate love for all citizens – allegedly for the common weal – but on the other hand he had little success in forcing his relatives to love and marry one another with often disastrous and adulterous consequences that threw overboard several plans for the succession. Augustus compelled Tiberius to divorce Vipsania Minor to marry Julia with the allure of the throne, and Tiberius sold his soul for power. But Tiberius found it impossible to love Julia and after their only child died, he separated from her. In contrast, Drusus must have refused to divorce Antonia but still turned out to be Augustus's preferred step-son, not to mention the hero of the nation.
The Senate voted to build the Ara Pacis Augustae on 4 July 13 BC in the consulship of Tiberius and Varus, and the inauguration proclaiming the successes of the Augustan regime in restoring peace and prosperity to the Roman people, occurred on 30 Jan. 9 BC in the consulship of Drusus and Quinctius Crispinus. Although several married couples appear on the Ara Pacis together, it is Drusus and Antonia who show the love between husband and wife, which Augustus later tried very hard to legislate, not that of Julia and Agrippa nor of Tiberius and Vipsania, and certainly not of Augustus and Livia, who appear separately. Val. Max. 4.3.3 says that Drusus loved his wife so much he never had sex with other women! This already famous story prompted the sculptors of the Ara Pacis to place Drusus and Antonia facing one another, not only as a role model and in deference to Augustus's natalism program, but also to add a touch of humanity to the frieze and to honor the daughter of Octavia and her husband, in whose consular year of office the monument opened.
Abstract
This paper proposes an analysis of the reasons and circumstances that led Charles I of Anjou, after the conquest of the Kingdom of Sicily, to also acquire lands beyond the Adriatic, in Epirus and Albania, and how these territories were managed under the Angevin rule. The initiative in the Balkans aimed to ensure greater security and stability in the Kingdom of Sicily and to recover the legacy of the predecessors of the new King. The study of archival sources, produced by the administration of the Kingdom, offers a distinctly different point of view from literary sources and allows such an interpretation of the facts.
Abstract
In the first, mostly fictitious part of his Myreur des histors Jean d’Outremeuse tells the story of the origins of the Franks combining the two traditional narratives, that of the Chronicle of Pseudo-Fredegarius, and that of the Liber historiae francorum. In his text Gaulois and Sicambrins, both descending from Trojan refugees, are united after some conflict as the same people, ancestors of the French. Instead of locating Sicambria to Hungary as some of his comtemporaries do, he is attributing to a secondary but significant role to Hungary as a colony and rival of Danemark, another important kingdom in his narrative. The article argues that it might be a kind of compensation of putting apart Hungary from the story of Sicambria, and also a consequence of the phonetic closeness of Hongrie (Hungary) and the city of Tongres, which is in the center of the narrative before the foundation of Liège.
L’empereur d’orient et l’empereur d’occident à Buda (1424) •
Les empereurs byzantins et la cour du roi de la Hongrie entre Jean V et Jean VIII Paléologue
Abstract
The Byzantine emperors had never left their country until the second half of the 14th century, when John V Palaiologos undertook, with two of his sons, a journey to the court of Louis I to seek military aid against the Turks. Despite the failure of this first mission, from then on, contacts with the kings of Hungary determined Byzantine policy. They came to a head when John V’s grandson, John VIII, who replaced his father Manuel II, unable to govern because of an apoplexy, met Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund at Ofen (Buda) in 1424. This had been the first meeting between the rulers of the two empires since the coronation of Charlemagne in 800, and it was recorded by an eyewitness, Eberhard Windecke, who accompanied the Hungarian king during his travels.
Symbolika farieb a kvetov v zbierke Rudolfa Dilonga Helena nosí ľaliu (1935) ako súčasť realizácie motívu života a smrti
Colour and Flower Symbolics in the Poetry Book by Rudolf Dilong Helena nosí ľaliu (1935) as Part of the Realization of the Motif of Life and Death
Štúdia sa zameriava na analýzu zbierky Helena nosí ľaliu (1935), ktorú treba chápať ako dôležitý medzník v poetike básnika Rudolfa Dilonga – dochádza v nej k poeticko-metodickému obratu smerom ku modernejším umeleckým snahám. Zároveň sa hĺbkovo-motivický základ jeho tvorby nemodernizoval, ale paradoxne práve náboženstvo slúžilo ako energetický zdroj poetickej modernizácie. Hlbšie vniknutie do nej môže poslúžiť ako prínosný základ pre pochopenie celej zbierky, pretože náboženské motívy sú ukotvené v použitých symboloch a zaručujú ich platnosť. Vysoká úroveň symbolizácie je takisto organickou súčasťou avantgardnej poetiky, ktorej cieľom je prerušiť kauzalitu empirickej skutočnosti – odmietajúc dominanciu racionality a vyzdvihujúc rolu práve zmyslového vnímania sa otvoril priestor pre realizáciu Dilongovej túžby po úniku, vytvorením si „šťastnejšej“ alternatívnej reality.
V zbierke Helena nosí ľaliu Rudolf Dilong zrealizoval 8 kvetinových (fialka, ľalia, konvalinka, kvet maku, narcis, ďatelina, astra a ruža) a 8 farebných symbolov (biela, zelená, červená príp. ružová, zlatá, strieborná, modrá, fialová, čierna), ktoré spolu fungujú ako funkčné ideové nositele a ponúkajú bohatú paletu interpretačných možností. Základom pre ich analýzu slúžia všeobecné znalosti o symbolike farieb a kvetov spolu s analýzou nielen explicitnej, ale aj implicitnej symboliky. Integrovaním do textu interpretácií vybraných básni sa jednak dosahuje porovnávanie tradičného chápania jednotlivých symbolov a hlbšie vniknutie do motivickej roviny autora, a jednak sa čiastkové poznatky na konkrétnych príkladoch syntetizujú.
Farebné a kvetinové symboly prispeli k realizácii hlavných motívov básnickej zbierky, akými sú smrť a život. Ideové kolísanie medzi týmito protikladnými pólmi zároveň koreluje s motivickým základom básní, tkvejúcim v kresťanských postulátoch, veď život v ľudskom ponímaní sa vidí ako príprava pre život „skutočný“, ktorý prichádza po smrti. Nadväzujú na to aj paradoxy, sprevádzajúce život františkánskeho básnika – inšpiračné zdroje v podobe žien, viery, detstva a stratenej vlasti alebo cudziny, ktoré odhaľujú deficity „dočasného života“. Dichotomická podoba symbolickej roviny zbierky sa manifestuje v rozdelení farieb na farby, ktoré preukazujú skôr pozitívnu konotáciu a zodpovedajú pólu života a farby, ktoré evokujú skôr negatívne asociácie a korelujú s pólom smrti, neutralizačným a harmonizujúcim prostriedkom dvoch kontroverzných pól vystupuje biela farba. Podobný vzorec môžeme aplikovať aj na symboly kvetov. Ústredným symbolom sa stáva kvietok ľalie, ktorý sa podobne ako biela farba prejavuje ako dichotomický prvok a stelesňuje kvintesenciu autorových snáh ideovej realizácie ústredných motívov zbierky.
Концептуализация судьбы в творчестве Ф. М. Достоевского
The Conceptualization of Fate in Dostoevsky’s Works
Творчество Ф. М. Достоевского, несомненно, оказывает большое влияние на мировоззрение и, в частности, на языковую картину мира современных русских людей. Таким образом, интересным представляется всестороннее рассмотрение базовых концептов русской лингвокультуры в работах Ф. М. Достоевского. Целью данного исследования является выявление особенностей представления концепта «судьба» в произведениях этого великого писателя. Предметом исследования стали кон-тексты употребления ключевого слова судьба в романах «Идиот» и «Братья Карамазовы». В работе были проанализированы 40 примеров контекстуального использования ключевого слова данного концепта в первом и 57 примеров во втором произведении, а также его синонимов доля, жребий, удел, участь, провидение, рок, фатум.
При помощи методов концептуального и контекстного анализа были выявлены понятийная, об-разная и ценностная составляющие данного концепта. Понятийный компонент концепта «судьба» в произведениях Ф. М. Достоевского представлен как последовательность событий в жизни чело-века и после его смерти в образе души, что неразрывно связано с понятием Бога. Образный компо-нент концепта «судьба» в произведениях Ф. М. Достоевского выражен представлением о судьбе как о живом существе, которое может активно совершать какие-либо действия в отношении человека, например, быть к нему благосклонным или, наоборот, жестоким. Ценностный компонент концепта «судьба» в творчестве писателя представлен в основном описанием того, что человек может сделать со своей судьбой и судьбами других людей, например, разделить их судьбу или принимать участие в судьбе других, а также в виде идеи о справедливости судьбы, связанной с идеей справедливости суда Божьего.
Большое значение в произведениях Достоевского уделяется идее приобщения одного человека к судьбе другого человека. Самым страшным наказанием для человека, как следует из анализа ав-торских употреблений данного концепта, считается равнодушие других к его судьбе. Вместе с тем в произведениях Ф. М. Достоевского четко прослеживается отношение к судьбе как к предрешенно-сти, либо как к тому, с чем можно бороться или как-то влиять на это. Различные герои показывают различные модели поведения в этом плане. Через концепт «судьба» писатель-философ выражает основные идеи своего творчества – достижение духовной гармонии через единение людей и идея личной ответственности каждого человека за свою судьбу и судьбы других людей, идея справедли-вости суда Божьего и несправедливости суда человеческого.
Метафоризация и безумство: «Красный цветок» Вс. М. Гаршина
Metaphorization and Insanity: A Red Flower by Vsevolod Garshin
В статье рассматривается тема безумства в рассказе Вс. М. Гаршина «Красный цветок» с несколько иного, чем в критической литературе, ракурса, так как в центре внимания стоит не психиатрическая проблематика, а процесс конструирования дискурса болезни. В ходе разбора текста рассказа приво-дятся также некоторые переклички, например, со «Сном смешного человека» Ф. М. Достоевского и «Палатой № 6» А. П. Чехова. Межтекстуальная связь с этими повестями основывается на идее усо-вершенствования мира и на акте его метафорического переименования. Однако в рассказе Гаршина не наблюдается ни переосмысление героем своей «великой мысли», которая преследует цель спасе-ния, но результатируется в уничтожении красоты и делает героя похожим на монстра, ни создание об этом персонального повествования, в котором он критически относился бы к своему слову.
Автор статьи рассматривает, как слово героя конфликтует с «языком медицины»: герой обозна-чает мир больницы по-своему, в отличие от рационального рассказчика (врача?) «Красного цвет-ка». Двойственность структуры (реалистически объясняющий речь и мысли героя рассказ) может получить свое разрешение на уровне дискурса. В статье исследуются мотивный и метафорический планы текста рассказа именно с такой точки зрения. Это приводит к выводам, отличающимся от аллегорического или символического анализа, в частности, и в связи с красным цветком, огнем, сном, луной.
При этом автор статьи обращает внимание и на фонограмматические инновации, как квази- этимоны, омонимы и созвучия, которые порождают новый смысл: см. например, глаголы «сажать» и «рвать», а также слова-имена, обозначающие части растений или связанные с ними: «лепестки», «теплица» и т. п. Под таким, особым углом зрения раскрывается возможность сопоставления образа и идеи героя с красным цветком, и, следовательно, интерпретации его истории как саморазрушения для нового рождения. Сюжет рассказа можно толковать и как литературное переложение компози-ции волшебных сказок, между тем автор статьи фокусируется на раскрытии особого языка больно-го, метафоризируемого как распускание бутона.
В этой связи изучается и означивание вещей, которое играет важную роль в выстраивании дис-курсивного плана, направленного на развязку: освобождение из смирительной, «сумасшедшей» рубахи в сюжетосложении параллельно отталкиванию от традиционных форм, связывающих речь, на уровне поэтического слова. Метафорический язык начинает постепенно доминировать в тексте и становится развязкой «сумасшедшего» нарратива в дискурсивной презентации истории.
Параметри інтертекстуального простору української літератури 1920-х років: проблема жіночої (не)видимості
Parameters of the Intertextual Space of Ukrainian Literature in the 1920s: The Problem of Female (In)Visibility
У статті проаналізована проблема жіночої присутності в інтертекстуальному просторі української літератури 1920-х років. Об’єкт дослідження – творчість письменників, які брали участь у літера-турному житті Радянської України. У першій частині студії висвітлені особливості репрезентації інтертекстем із творів жінок-письменниць у творах письменників-чоловіків, у другій – з’ясовано, як жінки-письменниці апелюють до творів представниць своєї статі.
У «чоловічому» сегменті інтертекстуального простору зафіксовані різнотипні інтертекстеми, запозичені з творів 218 письменників, із них – лише 8 жінок: Леся Українка, Марко Вовчок, Марія Загірня, Сапфо, Гаррієт Бічер Стоу, Жорж Санд, Мігрі Хатун, Ганна Ахматова. З’ясовано, що до твор-чості жінок-письменниць автори-чоловіки апелюють у таких ситуаціях: 1) коли йдеться про сфери життя, визнані суто жіночими, зокрема про кохання (Жорж Санд, Сапфо, Мігрі Хатун); 2) якщо твори жінок-письменниць здобули значний резонанс і асоціюються в читацькій свідомості з важ-ливою суспільною проблемою (Гаррієт Бічер Стоу); 3) якщо творчість жінки-письменниці включена до літературного канону (Марко Вовчок, Леся Українка); 4) під впливом літературної моди (Ганна Ахматова); 5) на вибір інтертекстем впливають особисті читацькі уподобання письменників (Марія Загірня). Найпоширенішими різновидами міжтекстової взаємодії є алюзії й ремінісценції, пов’язані з літературною репутацією певної авторки, особливостями рецепції її творчого доробку; зафіксова-но також два епіграфи (з творів Лесі Українки й Мігрі Хатун) і два приклади гіперінтертекстуально-сті (художня трансформація творів Лесі Українки й Сапфо).
Другий напрямок дослідження передбачав стислу експлікацію інтертекстуального простору у творах жінок-письменниць. За об’єкт дослідження було обрано твори Марії Галич, Галини Орлів-ни, Варвари Чередниченко й Олександри Свекли з антології «Моя кар’єра. Жіноча проза 20-х років». У цій збірці так само переважають інтертекстеми з творів письменників-чоловіків. Єдина алюзія, пов’язана з «жіночою літературою», виявлена у повісті Варвари Чередниченко «Євпаторія» (згадка про перебування Лесі Українки в Криму). «Не-видимість» жінок в інтертексті української літерату-ри 1920-х років, на мою думку, зумовлена: 1) «дефіцитом авторитетності», упередженим ставленням чоловіків до творчості представниць «другої статі»; 2) незначною присутністю жінок-письменниць у літературному каноні; 3) поширенням андроцентричних стереотипів у культурному середовищі, тому жінки частіше апелюють до прототекстів письменників-чоловіків.
Языковой и культурологический континуум современной Южной Славии: сербский, хорватский, боснийский и черногорский языки (pro et contra)
The Linguistic and Culturological Continuum in Modern South Slavia: Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian, and Montenegrin Languages (Pro et Contra)
В статье рассматриваются дискуссионные вопросы языковой ситуации, сложившейся в южносла-вянском полиэтническом пространстве, с привлечением культурологического, лексического и фра-зеологического эмпирического материала. В работе обосновывается подход к определению стату-са сербского, хорватского, боснийского и черногорского языков на базе совокупности критериев выделения их как самостоятельных языков. Актуальность заявленной проблематики представля-ется в поиске ее объективного как лингвистического, так и экстралингвистического разрешения. Вопросы языка и диалекта являются предметом довольно острой многолетней дискуссии у народов Южной Славии, что обусловлено как политическими факторами, так и ростом национального са-мосознания, достигшего максимальной степени своего проявления в 90-е годы ХХ века.
В настоящем исследовании обзорного характера дается многосторонняя максимально объек-тивная оценка актуальной социолингвистической ситуации на славянских Балканах с опорой на эмпирический материал и параллелями в других странах, подчеркивается ее уникальность в рам-ках проявления толерантности к народам бывшей Югославии и их выбору собственного языкового идиома для обозначения языков, которыми они пользуются как в повседневном общении, так и в письменной традиции. В работе представлены различные точки зрения и критерии для выделения самостоятельного языка применимо к языковой ситуации на славянских Балканах, сложившейся по состоянию на первые два десятилетия ХХ века.
В исследовании поднимается теоретический вопрос о выделении того или иного идиома в само-стоятельный язык на основе различных подходов к данной проблематике, которая в отношении анализируемых южнославянских языков может быть решена лишь в их совокупности: синхронный и диахронический аспект, фактор наименования того или иного идиома этнической группой, кото-рая им пользуется, а также религиозный фактор, сыгравший особую роль в формировании совре-менных славянских балканских народов.
Делается вывод о несостоятельности фактора взаимопонимания и фактора потребности в пе-реводе для выделения отдельного языка, что в исследовании подтверждается широким иллюстра-тивным языковым материалом, что дает право говорить о центрально-южнославянском языковом континууме, а также обосновывается мнение автора статьи о несостоятельности названия «сербо-хорватский язык», поскольку оно изначально являлось исключительно политическим, а не лингви-стическим термином. Вместе с тем затрагивается вопрос о центрально-южнославянском культуро-логическом континууме, который подразумевает общность культуры, литературы, киноискусства, музыки и пр. для всех народов бывшей Югославии, включая и неславянские этносы, проживающие в этом регионе, что является феноменом для рассматриваемого ареала Южной Славии.
Le rôle des Hongrois dans la Chronique de Morée •
Les descendants de Béla III parmi les Francs du Péloponnèse
Abstract
The study examines the role and perception of Hungarians in the Chronicle of Morea (Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως). It presents the passages in which the Chronicle mentions the Hungarian people or the Kingdom of Hungary, and compares them with passages in other contemporary literary and historical works in Old French and Byzantine Greek that also mention Hungarians. It seeks to answer the question why the Chronicle, which tells the history of the hostile crusader states, speaks of the Hungarians, who were generally close to Byzantium and helped the successor states of the Byzantine Empire, in a more laudatory tone and in more praiseworthy terms than other contemporary sources closer to the Hungarians. The study also examines the role of the descendants of Béla III, the Saint-Omer brothers, and the literary role of Sir Nicolas II de Saint-Omer. Finally, it analyses the Chronicle's excerpt of the succession dispute of Akova, which is closely linked to the descendants of Béla III.
A rare painting with unique subject matter among extant Tangut cultural heritage, the so-called astral maṇḍala (more accurately, Grahamātṛkā-maṇḍala) from Khara-khoto deserves focused academic attention. Now in the collection of Hermitage, this painting broadens the horizons of research from multiple perspectives, including the history of astrology, Tangut culture, Esoteric Buddhism, and ritual studies. Introduced into Tangut Buddhism likely via Tibet, the Grahamātṛka-maṇḍala contributed to the construction of both a new iconographical system and a new pantheon of astral deities. The painting provides important visual details that gradually reveal a complete series of liturgies based on the Tangut astral cult, from the maṇḍala construction to fire ritual with offerings and visualization. Therefore, it helps to demonstrate astrological knowledge and religious practices prevalent in the Tangut period but previously overlooked by modern researchers. The Tangut people learned with an encompassing mind and became skilled at new teachings, methods, and practices through transcultural communications with India and Tibet. They actively combined this learning with the existing Chinese astrological and religious traditions in the Héxī region.
The present article seeks to review the literature on the historical development of the Japanese accentual system. Whilst some merits of the alternative account of Ramsey and de Boer are recognized, the traditional model of Middle Japanese pitch-accent is defended, and a rebuttal of the arguments against it provided. The traditional model is integrated and corroborated by cross-linguistic and phonation-related arguments, with an eye towards philological evidence. It is concluded that, for the present at least, the evidence in favour of the traditional account of Middle Japanese tonogenesis is more robust and more persuasive.
Modéliser la prise de Constantinople (1204) •
Les lettres fictives de Boncompagno da Signa et leur intertextualité
Abstract
The fictional letters on the capture of Constantinople in 1204 and its aftermath written by the professor of rhetoric Boncompagno da Signa for his treatise Boncompagnus (1215/1226) form a prime document for examining the relationship between real and fictional correspondence in the Middle Ages. By comparing their content, structure, and rhetorical devices with those of a set of documents written on the same theme, including the letter sent by Baldwin of Flanders to Pope Innocent III to report on the events of 1204, it is possible to identify the way in which Boncompagno drew inspiration from this official letter to compose his model letter, and what differentiates them. This comparative analysis allows us not only to deepen our knowledge of the processes of the fictionalisation of history at work in Italy in the thirteenth century, but also to take a different look at the rhetoric of official letters or other texts (poems, stories) relating the same events.
Although the word qazaq is widely agreed to be the common ancestor of both ‘Cossack’ and ‘Kazakh’, there remains uncertainty about qazaq’s etymology. This paper proposes that qazaq originated as a variant of the central Turkic etymon qaç(g)aq and thus derives from the Common Turkic root qaç- (‘flee’). The paper draws on data generated through the traditional methods of historical linguistics—the comparative method and philological analysis—in conversation with recent work in anthropological and sociolinguistics on the concept of linguistic ‘register’ to better theorize qazaq’s historical development and the variation in its forms and meanings.
This study focuses on an obstacle to the capital accumulation possibilities of the pre-capitalist period in the Ottoman economy. From the second half of the 16th century, the janissaries, like all the institutions of the Empire, changed. The main argument of the study is that the new form taken by the janissaries as a result of this transformation had a feature that absorbed the capital produced in the Empire. This study does not address or discuss the Empire’s integration process or its peripheral position within the capitalist system.
The paper offers a sample of a Khitan–English–Chinese Wordlist in preparation by scholars from the People’s Republic of China and Hungary. After a preface on general questions, it deals with the glyphs beginning with a- and b- in the Khitan Small Script. This is followed by Khitan words beginning with the first two letters of the Latin alphabet. The aim of the paper is to open a discussion on a future Khitan Etymological Dictionary.
Two more Firmans on the Reorganisation of the Ottoman Postal System (1101/1690 and 1209/1794) •
(Documents from the Amasya and Damascus Kadi Sicils)
The present article publishes the texts and translations of two firmans of Süleyman II (1101/1690) and Selim III (1209/1794) that were taken from copies in the kadi registers (sicil) of Amasya and Damascus. They concerned the reform of the Ottoman courier and post-station (ulaḳ / menzilḫāne) network with regard to the Anatolian routes. In contrast to the wide-ranging reforms featured by two other firmans (1108/1696) that Colin Heywood translated in this journal in 2001, these firman texts feature small-scale, targeted reforms. Read together, these firmans shift our understanding of reform away from singular moments of intervention towards a longer-term, incremental model of maintenance.
Abstract
In the evidential system of Uzbek, the speaker has different grammatical options in marking the source of information, such as -ibdi, ekan, emish, etc., although it is not compulsory to mark this category in the utterance. In addition to these established markers, new markers have developed into evidentials, and they encode specific sub-categories of evidentiality. In this study, after a brief overview of grammatical markers of evidentiality in Uzbek, the marker chog‘i is examined with a syntactic and semantic approach based on a corpus of selected texts. Its development into an inferential marker is evaluated with special attention to sources of evidentials.
Abstract
Manner/Result Complementarity (Rappaport Hovav & Levin 2010) has been argued to have consequences for argument realization: only manner verbs permit object deletion and non-selected objects. In contrast, result verbs always co-appear with their object, because they are required to express the undergoer of the change that they entail. We discuss new data involving result verbs in constructions where the undergoer of the change encoded by the result verb is not realized as the object of the predicate. We argue these data display result verbs whose root is integrated into the argument structure of the predicate in such a way that it is interpreted as specifying a co-event of the main event denoted by the predicate, whereby the result entailed by the root is not necessarily intended to hold of the direct object. This follows if verb roots do not come with a syntactically relevant specification for manner or result from the lexicon, but acquire it on the basis of their association with the syntactic structure.
Abstract
This paper aims to examine some aspects of the history of the official cult of Saint Agatha in Sicily and Constantinople, starting with the Greco-Roman cults of Isis, and then focusing in particular on the unofficial or the initiatory women's festival, celebrated in Constantinople, attested by only one literary source from the 11th century AD. This source, consisting of a short philosophical treatise ascribed to Michael Psellos, informs us about some interesting aspects of the religious and social life of women in Constantinople in the mid-Byzantine era.
Neuere Überlegungen zu Hypereides' Rede gegen Demosthenes im Spiegel der Textkritik •
Ein philologisches „Wiederaufnahmeverfahren“ über col. XXVIII sqq.
Abstract
This paper analyses and interprets three passages in Hyperides' speech against Demosthenes and suggests a textual correction. The statements in columns XXIX–XXX become more comprehensible based on the relevant passages in the speech against Diondas. In line 21 of columna XXVIII, αὐτῷ (pronomen personale – Jensen and all the editors) should be replaced by αὑτῷ (pronomen reflexivum), which reconstructs the proper meaning of the text. After Chaeronea it was not the people who were grateful to Demosthenes, but quite the opposite: the people expected that Demosthenes and his companions would be grateful to them. Thus, the name lost in the lacuna is not Lycurgus, but Demosthenes.
Abstract
This paper deals with the textual tradition of the Florilegium Vindobonense (14th century). According to the current state of research, only one manuscript of this alphabetical anthology is known, which can be found in Codex Philologicus Graecus 169 (Austrian National Library). In preparing the text for edition, however, I found another manuscript that contains the anthology in its entirety. Codex Vaticanus Graecus 895 also dates from the beginning of the 14th century. This article examines the relationship between the two text variants in light of the provenience of the manuscripts and textual criticism.
ABSTRACT
The Palaiologan romances, inspired by courtly romances, align their Western models with the Byzantine literary tradition and draw from more popular patterns, such as a narrative punctuated by meta-enunciative locutions, also employing magical items and ancestral fabulous motifs, such as the flying horse (derived from the tales of One Thousand and One Nights) or the jewel swallowed by a hawk and discovered in a fish's stomach, a motif employed in the Qamar az-Zaman tale of One Thousand and One Nights.
