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Abstract

This paper analyses linking vowels of Hungarian in a paradigm-based approach. We argue that the quality of linking vowels is determined by such a complex interaction of phonological, morphological, and morphophonological factors on both stems and suffixes that attributing them to individual morphemes is not plausible. Instead in the model proposed here linking vowels emerge from the identification of initial and final substrings within and across paradigms.

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Abstract

This study investigated the production of Mandarin and Fuzhou lexical tones by Mandarin-Fuzhou bilingual children. Forty children aged 6;11 to 7;6 and two groups of adults (Mandarin speakers and Fuzhou speakers) were asked to produce pre-selected familiar monosyllabic words. Adult judges' perceptual judgments and acoustic analysis showed that: (1) overall, these children's production performance of Mandarin tones was similar to adults', with very high accuracy; (2) children did not reach adult-like production competence in Fuzhou tones by age 7;6; and (3) there was an imbalance in children's development of the seven lexical tones in Fuzhou. Children's late and unbalanced development of Fuzhou tones could be ascribed to their unbalanced Mandarin-Fuzhou exposure, and it is argued that children might transfer the characteristics of the Mandarin tonal system to their production of Fuzhou tones.

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The paper gives a detailed description of the “A egy N” construction in Hungarian based on a thorough investigation of carefully collected corpus data. Utterances containing this construction express a speaker-related (mostly derogatory, but sometimes appreciative) value judgement. The morphological, syntactic, and pragmatic characteristics of the construction are presented. Furthermore, some formally and pragmatically similar constructions are also discussed and some misleading pieces of information in the earlier literature are debunked.

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Abstract

The theoretical framework adopted in the analysis of Old English obstruents is laryngeal realism, a framework using privative features in modelling laryngeal oppositions. Equipollent oppositions, although real in the phonetic sense, must clearly be delineated from phonology. Old English obstruents are either unmarked (lenis/neutral) or marked: 〈b〉 /b/, 〈d〉 /d/, 〈cg〉 /dʒ/ or /ɟ/, 〈g〉 /ɡ/ are not marked for [voice] (although they are passively voiced between sonorants) and as such cannot regressively voice obstruents, singleton 〈p〉 /p/, 〈t〉 /t/, 〈ć〉 /tʃ/ or /c/, 〈c〉 /k/ are marked for [spread] (aspiration, or GW ‘glottal width’), singleton 〈f〉, 〈þ/ð〉, 〈s〉, 〈g〉, 〈h〉 are unmarked, but are passively voiced in the V ´ FricV/Son environment. Fricatives in unstressed syllables (even when couched between sonorants) are not voiced. If there is a sonorant separating the fricative from the stressed vowel there is no voicing ( V ´ SonFricV/Son). The only voiced fricatives after a stressed vowel+sonorant consonant are /f/ [v] and /x/ [ɣ] (but this is a historical coincidence). (Phonetically voiceless) Geminates, s+stop and f/h+stop clusters are special in that they constitute a sequence of a fortis followed by a lenis obstruent impervious to passive voicing.

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Abstract

This intervention focuses on the close relationship that links Mithras to Hercules, witnessed by the presence of the image of Hercules in some mithraic caves, on ritual vessels and in other contexts related to Zoroastrian Mithraism, such as the funerary monument of Antiochus I of Commagene at Nemrut Dağı.

Likewise, even the veneration of the goddess Caelestis by some followers of Mithras is testified by the representation of the symbol pro itu et reditu in contexts referable to the cult of Mithras.

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Károly Kós, along with other Hungarian artists and architects, contributed to the development of a natural approach of culture, based on the local environment and on the local way of life. This is, in his eyes, the right way to the universal. Architecture and music, in particular, are intertwined, as they both attempt to create an agreeable environment to mankind. The transylvanian or Transylvania-inspired art is an example of this proximity between the architectural and the musical language.

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The control of the Mediterranean and its surroundings by the conquering Roman Republic after the victory over Carthage, and later over the Hellenistic kingdoms throughout the 2nd and 1st centuries BC, notably increased connectivity and the movement of people. This paper focuses on the wide range of ritual instruments, above all the propitiation of the gods through sacrifices, in the face of journeys in general, and on the diverse religious resources documented in the epigraphy of the Latin West.

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“Returning Home in the Greek and Roman World”

Symposium Classicum Peregrinum, June 10–12 and 16, 2022 Messina and Taormina

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Author:
Patricia A. Johnston
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Abstract

This article focuses on two stories contained in Deipnosophists 15 by Athenaeus of Naucratis. Both stories are comprised in the section in which Athenaeus discusses the use of crowns in festive rituals. Athenaeus attributes the first story (672a–e) to Menodotus of Samos. Here we read that some Tyrrhenians went to Samos to steal the simulacrum of Hera. But, having boarded the ship with the statue, they were unable to set sail. Thus, they unloaded the simulacrum on the shore and left. Then the heroine Admete retrieved it and took it back to the temple. For this reason, every year since then, the inhabitants of Samos celebrated the feasts called Tonaia in honor of Hera. The second story, that Athenaeus draws from Polycarmus of Naucratis (675f–676b), tells of a certain Herostratus who, on his return journey from Cyprus to Naucratis, was saved from a storm thanks to the sailors' prayers to the statue of Aphrodite on board. Thereafter, Herostratus prepared a banquet at the temple of the goddess to honor her. These stories introduce the recurring motif, also found in other sources, of travelling divine statues, which display supernatural powers.

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“Few of the many returned home”

The Sicilian Expedition and the Genesis of the Ionian War

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Author:
Joshua Nudell

Abstract

Histories of the Sicilian Expedition usually focus on Athens, and with good reason: Athens supplied the largest number of ships, all the leaders were Athenians, and Thucydides' account is constructed as an Athenian tragedy that largely subsumes the allies into the crowd of soldiers. Moreover, it was in the aftermath of the disaster that the Aegean poleis slipped through the Athenian grasp. Scholars have offered explanations for the outbreak of the Ionian War that range from anti-Athenian sentiment stemming from wartime measures like the Standards Decree that primed the Athenians to reject Athenian hegemony to a change in Persian policy to an ephemeral mood. When they invoke Sicily, it is to follow Diodorus Siculus in arguing that the failure created contempt for Athenian hegemony (τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῶν καταφρονηθῆναι, 13. 34. 1). Another cause of the Ionian War, however, has received too little attention: the Ionians who fought in Sicily. In this paper I re-evaluate the Sicilian Expedition from the perspective of the non-Athenians, and particularly the Ionians. These contributions have traditionally been underestimated because Thucydides implies that they had fallen out of practice with warfare and were thus complicit in their own subjugation. Nevertheless, Thucydides' history is littered with accounts of Ionian soldiers fighting far from home, up to and including in the Sicilian Expedition (Thuc. 7. 20. 2; 7. 57. 3). Re-evaluating the evidence for Ionian contributions to the Athenian war effort in turn complicates straightforward assessments of the popularity of the empire and opens the possibility that it was not only Athenian weakness but also the costs borne by the allies that led the Ionians to put in motion the events that led to revolt.

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Abstract

This paper explores the theme of the homecoming (nostos) by examining the homecomings of the Scythians in Book Four of The Histories of Herodotus from two different approaches, the philological and historical. As Herodotus makes clear, for Scythians, such as the famous traveler Anacharsis and the Scythian king Scyles, returning home could be deadly. From the philological approach, which emphasizes the literary nature of the Scythian logos, this pattern of thematic repetitions of denied homecomings serves to emphasize the hostile nature of Scythia for outsiders and thus to increase the tension surrounding the outcome of the larger narrative of Book Four, which describes the disastrous military campaign of the Persian king Darius I in Scythia. However, from the historical approach, which regards the account of Herodotus as a historical source that provides valuable testimony when combined with other sources of evidence, it becomes clear that these stories of impossible homecomings also reflect the conditions at the Greek frontier of the Scythian world and for Scythians like Anacharsis and Scyles who adopted foreign customs, especially Greek religious practices, namely that in this region marked by competition and conflict, including religious conflict, adopting foreign customs meant it was not possible to return home again.

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The purpose of this essay is to compare the story of Er in Plato's Republic's tenth book with the concept of antarābhava in the Vedic World and the ancient schools of Buddhism. First, the story of Er, a warrior who was believed to have died in battle and returned to life shortly before his body was burnt on the pyre, will be told. Er describes the vision he had before returning to life: he saw the actions and fate of the disembodied souls in the state and stage before their reincarnation. Next, the Indian doctrine of antarābhava, the intermediate state between death and rebirth, according to the Vedic religion and ancient schools of Buddhism, will be discussed. Finally, we will say a few concluding words to make a historical-religious comparison between the two in order to better understand both these doctrines and visions of the afterlife.

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Abstract

This study explores the major types and main interpersonal functions of meishi (没事, literally ‘I'm fine’) by Chinese females in romantic conversation through analyzing collected posts from Sina Microblog. Results show that meishi by Chinese females in the context of romantic relationships primarily manifests the attributes of “expressive” and “assertive” (“insincere assertive” in particular), with specific functions to express comfort (expressive), to implicitly express negative feelings (expressive), and to avoid self-disclosure of negative emotion (insincere assertive). We hold that Chinese women's use of meishi is not only a realization of gendered discourse but also has a practical function as it detects the sincerity and attentiveness of their male counterparts.

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Abstract

The first person singular indefinite or non-definite of Hungarian verbs that end in -ik shows variation between the regular -k suffix and the -m suffix, used otherwise in the definite. This variation is systematic and subject to metalinguistic awareness. Our study relies on previous quantitative work, a frequency dictionary compiled from the new Hungarian Webcorpus, as well as a forced-choice elicitation experiment to assess the role of word frequency, word length, derivational endings, and across-form similarity in shaping this variation. We find that first person singular indefinite variation is largely defined by natural categories: verbs that look similar will also show a similar preference to -k/-m. This pattern is attested in the webcorpus as well as in participant responses in the elicitation task.

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Going through a lake of Darkness

The Nemi crater as a gateway to the Roman Underworld

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Authors:
Loredana Lancini
and
Francesca Diosono

Abstract

The lake of Avernus and the lake of Nemi have played a very important role in Roman religion and mythology. Both lay on collapsed volcanic craters along the Tyrrhenian coastline, and the peculiar nature of the landscape surrounding the two lakes is suggestive enough to feel a divine presence in these places. But connections between the two lakes are less superficial than it appears.

In his Commentary on the Aeneid (VI 136), Servius establishes a strong parallelism between the lakes of Avernus and of Nemi. According to this author, Aeneas has to pluck a golden bough to enter the Underworld, whose gate is near the Avernus Lake, following the instruction of the Sybil: it was this very same sacred bough that played a central role in the life-or-death fight between the rex nemorensis (the “king of the wood” in charge) and the pretender in the cult founded by Orestes in Nemi, once he returned from Tauris. The centrality of a bough to be torn off to go below the lake in both myths seems to imply that the lake of Nemi itself can be linked to the Underworld.

The Avernus in particular is known for being a gateway to the Underworld: Virgil presents the lake in this way, and he locates here Aeneas's katabasis, while Homer places here the Odysseus' necromancy. It appears therefore logic to explore the hypothesis that the lake of Nemi could have had similar relation to the Underworld. Finally, the paper also examines the possibility that the presence of a passage to the Underworld is also connected to divination activities. 1

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The Liye excavation, commenced in 2002, yielded a significant document: the No. 8-461 ‘wooden tablet of nomenclature changes’ (gengming fang 更名方) from the Qin unification era. With 54 entries outlining the nomenclature changes, it complicates the traditional view of the First Emperor’s ‘unification of Chinese script.’ This paper examines this earliest direct evidence pertaining to the writing standardisation project, focusing on terminology analysis and deciphering previously puzzling entries. This study also evaluates the effectiveness of the language reform by analysing character frequency in contemporaneous documents. It also contextualizes this artefact’s significance within the broader historical context of the newly established ruling order in the Qin Empire.

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The main feature of the extant Old Uyghur manuscripts is their fragmentary state of preservation and the predominant lack of dating. Catalogues and editions of the Old Uyghur fragments reveal a great diversity in the size and format of the discovered manuscript folios and the fragments from them. This study aims to promote the reconstruction of the scope of the Old Uyghur book forms from preserved fragments as an important part of the Old Uyghur manuscript culture. Which book forms were utilized, who participated in their production, and where? Studies on the papers and inks employed are obtainable. This study focuses on the Buddhist scrolls of the Säkiz Yükmäk Yaruk.

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Abstract

In August 216 BC, Hannibal offered Rome a chance to ransom 10,000 POWs (prisoners of war), but the Senate, even though it was desperate for manpower, rejected his offer and instead purchased and freed 8,000 slaves to enlist in the army. The message was that Rome preferred newly freedmen who would fight for Rome over the men who had not fought their way out of the enemy's grasp. Hannibal sold the POWs into slavery. Thereafter, disdain for prisoners became a permanent feature of the Roman war machine. Diodorus, Livy, Plutarch, and Dio acknowledge that the Romans used to ransom and exchange POWs just like everyone else, but after Cannae they stopped. Cannae revived traumatic memories of how Rome had surrendered to Brennus and ransomed the city in 387 BC and surrendered to the Samnites in 321 BC at Caudine Forks and signed an unfavorable peace. Although Romans invented stories of salvation and exacting revenge in both cases, these humiliating events left deep scars in the Roman psyche, which never completely healed.

The defeat and capture of Atilius Regulus in Africa in 255 directly relates to the above-mentioned disasters. Although Romans transformed Regulus into a hero and martyr for integrity, claiming that he returned to Rome in 250 BC (five years after his death!) and denounced a prisoner exchange he had promised to endorse, the legend obscured the fact that Rome did exchange prisoners out of necessity in 249.

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Abstract

By presenting Penelope's experiences and traits as parallel to those of Odysseus, the text of the Odyssey depicts her as heroic in her own right. This detailed analysis of Penelope's life in the palace on Ithaca – depicted as an Underworld-like realm of suspension – shows how similar her experiences, traits, actions and reactions are to her husband's; the text furnishes multiple similes and epithets that demonstrate these parallels. The suspension of progress on Ithaca during the suitors' presence, in addition to Penelope's and others' declarations that Odysseus is dead, instills the palace with an atmosphere of death; in effect, this represents Penelope's katabasis. When she converses with her “dead” husband, she learns in this nekyia – as Odysseus learns during his – what she needs to know to move forward. This article offers an in-depth look at the language, similes, and epithets that portray Penelope's life and experiences in the palace as well as her crucial encounter with Odysseus in book 19, where the suspension and liminality reach their peak.

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Abstract

After reflecting on the many dimensions that homecoming involves both in the present and in antiquity, the ceremonial enhancement of various returns of Caesar Augustus from military campaigns are briefly rehearsed through the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (4. 1–2) and other sources. These include the triumph following the battle of Actium (31/29 BC) and the celebration after the re-establishment of peace with the Parthians, which resulted in the cult of Fortuna Redux (19 BC). The Ara Pacis Augustae was decreed after Augustus' victories in Gaul (Res Gestae 12; Cassius Dio 54. 25. 1–4). The famous procession friezes have often been regarded as depicting the emperor's arrival celebrated as a ‘thanksgiving’ (supplicatio) in July 13 BC, but are better understood as memorializing the day on which the sacred space for the Ara Pacis was inaugurated in September. The friezes depict the emperor's family members as well as divine and mythical figures; while presented as naturalistic or historical, they are open to symbolic readings. In a certain sense, the senators enshrined the motif of Augustus' homecoming into the cult of Roman Peace (and Prosperity) and eternalized the ritualized blessing that this should bring to the Roman people. Cassius Dio's highly conflated account of the Senate's decrees in honour of the returning emperor was composed as criticism against servile flattering, but indirectly confirms the ideas underlying the Senate's decrees on the Actian Triumph, the cult for Fortuna Redux, and the sanctuary of the Ara Pacis: the salutary effect of Augustus' victorious return(s) to Rome should become a permanent blessing irrespective of the singular historical events.

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The journeys of Orpheus

Itinerary between the world and the underworld, between life and death of the Thracian singer

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Authors:
Francesca Ceci
and
Aleksandra Krauze-Kołodziej

Abstract

The figure of Orpheus has been and continues to be the subject of in-depth studies focusing mainly on the historical, religious (relative especially to Orphism), and then iconographic aspects (the representation of Orpheus and typical moments of mythical imagination that concern him). It may be interesting here to draw a precise map of places visited by Orpheus, alive but also once killed, through his prophetic head and lyre. This paper also aims to present the iconographic itinerary of the journeys of the Thracian singer between Ancient and Modern times.

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Abstract

The issue of magistrates who came back to Rome provides a perspective to deal with the topic of home returns in the Roman world. This paper focuses on magistrates' homecomings which occurred earlier than expected. To this end, a lexical enquiry on Latin locutions (provincia decedere, revocari ad urbem, redire Romam ex provincia), in a chronological span between the 1st Punic War and the Gracchan Age until the eve of the tribunate of Gaius Gracchus (264–124 BC), will be conducted.

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Abstract

From ancient sources, we learn that typically, a politician condemned to exile would withdraw to private life, waiting for the period of interdiction to end. For Pisistratus, on the contrary, sources tell us that during his exiles, he distinguished himself by conducting intense activity, both politically and economically.

My contribution aims to demonstrate, in particular, how the periods of exile were exploited by the future tyrant of Athens to intensify his expansionist activity. The fruits of this activity, detached from the actions of the city and configured as a ‘private' initiative, were made available to the entire citizenry upon ‘return' to the city and proved to be particularly valuable for the growth of the city of Athen.

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Abstract

Jason's coming back to Iolcus embodies the return from exile after an unjustified usurpation. Pelias overthrew his half-brother Aeson, and he forced the latter's new-born Jason into exile. In the Fourth Pythian Ode for Arcesilaus IV of Cyrene, Pindar's mythical digression focuses on the perspective of the exile Jason coming back to Iolcus. Pindar focuses on this story in fuller detail because he favors the recall of the exile Damophilus, a disgraced member of the aristocracy from Cyrene. The mythical conflict of the Aeolid family corresponds to the historical internal strife among the Battiads. The opposition to this dynasty should shortly put an end to their power after the overthrow of Arcesilaus IV. Given his authority as initiated into poetry, Pindar has the right to advise the king to reconcile with his opponents. Finally, this Ode is written to support the right of Damophilus, who was a close friend of Pindar, to be allowed to return to his homeland.

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Abstract

As mythological figures, Demeter and Kore stand together as timeless symbols of this moment of transition between maidenhood, wifehood, and then motherhood. While contemplating these goddesses, historically situated and embodied women surely remembered — or learned soon enough — that pregnancies and babies would follow their marriage. The mythological narrative, however, focuses on this crucial transition rather than on the effective beginning of motherhood through pregnancy and childbirth. Kore is the maiden, the new bride, and the mother-to-be. She never becomes a mother.

The absence of offspring can be explained by the functional reading we just mentioned: she is a mother-to-be, not a mother. Demeter, in the Eleusinian myth, plays the role of the mother. There is, however, another way that can be explored in this regard and that is not necessarily in contrast with the first one: Kore/Persephone's marriage is sterile since it takes place in the underworld. There is no life in the afterworld; therefore, she can not give birth to a child. This paper will explore if the journey of Kore/Persephone to the Hades can be seen as a path to infertility.

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Abstract

“Hannibal's War” was what Carthage called the Second Punic War from 218–202 BCE because it was clear from the outset Carthaginian leadership was not fully participatory or even much engaged with him and his long Italian campaign. The signs of estrangement were seen at least as early as Hannibal's siege of Saguntum in 219 BCE when Carthage's Gerousia or Council of Elders took no responsibility with the envoy from Rome complaining about his “brutal” taking of Saguntum. But perhaps it is more important to examine exactly where – and when – Hannibal's real home might have been, since he could hardly call Carthage his true home, as this brief paper proposes. Discussion follows what Hannibal learned in Iberia and how important Iberia as his adopted homeland and its abundant silver meant to him instead – not Carthage – and how Iberia under his father Hamilcar prepared his lifelong stratagems for war, with Scipio as his eventual young rival student from Rome leading to Zama, which brought Hannibal back to Carthage under the worst circumstances and a periphery of his prior successes. Whether or not Hannibal's return to Carthage in 203–202 BCE can be called a “homecoming” is certainly moot in many ways, especially given that it was not his home for most of his life. Decades later, given his estrangement from Carthage, Scipio's famous epitaph could just as well be Hannibal's.

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Abstract

First, we will retrace the life and brilliant career of this Roman senator of Bithynian origins who came from an ancient family of public figures and who had served five or six emperors and been friends with several of them, having been twice appointed to the role of consul.

Then we will consider the nature of his role as Senator coming from an Eastern province and its relationship with Roman power. We will come to see that he represents the perfect example of his theory of the association of provincial élites coming to power, which was developed at length in his work, Roman History, which he produced in Greek for a Greek readership.

Finally, rather paradoxically, we will consider how he sees himself in a largely bi-lingual and bi-cultural empire and how he speaks of his homeland with a view to determining whether his attachment to his ‘little country’ is the stronger and if his numerous sojourns in Rome amount to little more than a ‘golden exile’ for him.

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Abstract

Livy's narrative, far from being a faithful and scrupulous account of historical facts, is first and foremost a piece of literary, a narration, a collection of exempla that should serve as models or anti-models for readers, as Livy himself says in his Praefatio (Liv. Praef. 10). In his writing work, he follows guiding principles, the most important of which is the dialectic of contrasts, inspired by oratory and rhetoric. On the basis of different examples from the first decade of Ab Urbe condita, the objective of this article is to examine how this principle of writing was applied to the theme of Returns (a motif well known in the imaginary and literature of classical Antiquity). Thus, it appears that each episode of return or attempt to return is systematically preceded by an episode of withdrawal from the civic community, with which it is contrasted in various ways. Examples of such withdrawal-return antagonist pairs are numerous, and they concern both individual characters (Tarquin the Proud, Coriolanus, Cincinnatus, Kaeso Quinctius, etc.) and collective ensembles (in the form of a secessio of an entire ordo).

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Abstract

In this paper I wish to analyze the impossible return home, namely that of Lucius in Book XI of Apuleius' Metamorphoses. Isis had decided that this would be so because she wished to wrest her new follower from the self-destructive passions he had developed in his home country, Corinth. She inspired him to leave his homeland and to make an initiatory voyage to Rome, where he would henceforth have to live as a perpetual exile among the priests of Isis (although he thereafter was safe from the evil passions he contracted in Corinth). I want to analyze this story. First of all, we will focus upon these passions which so beset Lucius in his homeland, then we will follow the voyage he took to Rome and finally we will see how he lives as an exile in Rome and, in conclusion, what are the benefits he obtains from his renunciation of a return to his homeland.

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Abstract

For Homer, Cicero, and Ovid, exile is equivalent to death, or even worse. Vergil's Aeneas is torn between his old homeland of Troy and the new home he must create in Italy, but he overcomes his nostalgia. Aeneas is consoled by the Stoic doctrine that he is obeying Fate, which governs the entire world, and by the Cynic view that he can carry his true self and identity with him anywhere he goes. In Book 6 of the Aeneid, he is given a revelation about reincarnation that is based on the Republics of Plato and Cicero. This teaching that all of life is an exile from heaven contrasts sharply with the worldly mission of conquest that Aeneas must follow in Italy. Vergil's sympathies lie with the exile rather than the conqueror.

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Abstract

Eurydice could not come back to this world because Orpheus looked back at her. Persephone had forbidden this, but Orpheus disobeyed. Is there a logic for such a rule? A relief in the Archaeological Museum in Naples shows Orpheus looking at his wife after having removed a veil from her face, and the face of dead persons was a sensible element in ancient funerary art. We find two forms of hiding their face: by veiling it or by depicting the person but not the face, by leaving it unwrought. Euripides and several Roman sarcophagi depict Alcestis with her head veiled after her return to the house of her husband. On the other hand, some funerary busts from the necropolis of Cyrene show deceased women with their face flat and many sarcophagi of the Roman period are completely sculptured except the face of the buried person. The current explanation based on an untimely death cannot explain the large number of such cases; it would have been absurd to wait for the death of the customer before carving his or her portrait. There was a religious rule forbidding the vision of the face of dead persons, but it is impossible to ascertain what kind of people abided by this law and what religious stream forbade this.

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Abstract

The nostos, the return home in Greek mythology, is most often a journey over the sea, and it is the god Poseidon who rules the sea, both ensuring the safe passage of fishermen and sailors and causing disasters to individuals like Ajax son of Oileus, sometimes through obstacles like his daughter Charybdis. Most famously, he uses his power to hinder the nostos of Odysseus, all the while knowing he cannot prevent him from reaching home. This example illustrates how a god who may once have been the most powerful deity can no longer control ultimate results. As his power declines over the centuries, that of Zeus increases.

It is also by sea that we see the ships in Isaiah 23, attempting to return to their homes in Sidon and Tyre on the eastern Mediterranean coast. In this Biblical passage from the eighth century BCE, the ships wail when they see that their seaport homes have been destroyed; there are no homes to which they can return. The great god of the Sea and the epichoric gods have failed to protect the cities which are considered their progeny. The Israelite prophet mocks their powerlessness and celebrates the power of his One God. There is no nostos, no homecoming for ships because they no longer have homes. Just as Poseidon could not prevent Odysseus from his nostos, the so-called Averter of Disaster has not prevented the disaster that has befallen his children.

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Abstract

This paper uses a corpus linguistic approach to investigate finite verbs co-occurring with infinitives. It aims to explore a range of similar verbs along a set of formal-distributional features based on Kálmán C. et al.'s (1989) study. We used hierarchical agglomerative clustering to analyze the data. The analysis identifies four clusters, two comprising verbs more auxiliary-like than the others. The results of this experiment are broadly similar to those of Kálmán C. et al. (1989); however, we also find remarkable differences. Most importantly, the so-called stress-avoiding verbs are likely to occur between the preverb and its associated infinitive, indicating that they are much closer to central auxiliaries than previously assumed.

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Ornas (also Hornach) appears in the mentions of several Latin authors in the mid-thirteenth century as an important city deep in Asia that had been conquered by the Mongols. There have been several past suggestions by scholars for its identity; the scattered mentions of Ornas (Hornach) have been variously suggested to refer to Tana, Otrar, or Konye-Urgench. The present paper argues that these references, though confused on matters of geography since the Western European authors were writing about largely unknown regions that they did not personally visit, are typically references to the city of Konye-Urgench. The Latin authors’ descriptions of its fall to the Mongols unquestionably draw parallels with Middle Eastern, Rus’, Chinese, and Mongol accounts. This paper argues that the Latin references to Ornas’ proximity to a nearby sea are related to the Aral Sea which had southerly stretches very close to Konya-Urgench as is indicated, for instance from Russian survey maps of the nineteenth century. This identification allows us to place John of Plano Carpini’s description of the fall of Ornas within a larger, cohesive narrative which, though confused on points, offers insights on the fall of the Khwarazmian Empire in the early 1220s.

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This paper focuses on a newly identified Sanskrit manuscript of the Saptaguṇavarṇanā parikathā (The Sermon Describing the Seven Qualities), which is currently preserved at the Drepung Monastery in Tibet. It presents the Sanskrit version of the text for the first time, provides a critical edition and translation, and offers a comparative analysis of the Tibetan translation and the Tangut manuscript, known as Инв. № 804. The paper addresses mistakes and omissions in the Sanskrit manuscript, Tibetan and Tangut translations, as well as related misreadings in the scholarship, thus advancing understanding of non-sūtra texts in Tangut Buddhism.

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The aim of the article is to explore the relationship between cosmo-anthropogony and the imamology of Shi’ism through its earliest sources in the pre-Buyid Hadith corpus. It shows that the figure of the Divine Guide is the axis around which creation revolves. Early Shi’ism thus appears to be heir to some of the great doctrines of the spiritual and intellectual traditions of late Antiquity.

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In this article I intended to further explore Jürgen Frembgen’s supposition about the late presence of the spotted hyena in South Asia with the help of available textual sources. My aim was to determine what kind of animal is meant by the word tarakṣu, which is the common Sanskrit name for the hyena.

Open access

Abstract

Childhood nutrition is an important element of lifestyle research, since the regularity and nutritional content of our meals as children, and the way in which they are eaten, determine our physical and mental health throughout our lives. Prior to 2018, there was no basic interdisciplinary research on this topic in Hungary, thus to fill the gap, an interdisciplinary research group was established in 2018 at the Institute of Ethnography, which carried out nationwide research. The present study is based on fieldwork undertaken by the author in two schools — the János Lenkey Primary School in Eger (formerly Primary School No. 1) and the Tamás Bolyki Primary School in Ózd — as well as a large amount of information gleaned from questionnaires and interviews. My research was also extended in terms of a historical and geographical perspective: I studied archival sources and expanded the field of my investigations by including Salgótarján, a research location familiar from my earlier research, which provided a vantage point alongside Ózd and Eger, as a third city typical of Northern Hungary. Public catering for children has undergone significant changes in the last six to seven years, although prior to this it had appeared relatively uniform, in line with the ingredients available at the time. The obligation to provide public catering and the general obligation to work, which began in the Rákosi era and culminated in the Kádár era, significantly changed family eating habits. Traditional elements typical of a particular locality disappeared as the globalization efforts of socialism were accomplished. The ever-decreasing amount of time devoted to preparing, cooking, and consuming food moved society in the direction of canteens, fast-food restaurants, and later, after the regime change, global fast-food chains. Education on proper nutrition is not currently part of academic teacher training, thus for want of a better alternative, teachers organize children's school meals based on their own experience and socialization or following the school's regulations (where they exist), without having a unified concept. The number of meals eaten at home has been reduced to light breakfasts, lunches, and dinners, with families mostly sitting down together at the table for dinner, when they often consume ready meals. Lack of contact with foodstuffs and with the person preparing the food has a negative impact on children's psychological development. Relying on extensive basic research and participant observation, and through the joint efforts of specialists from several fields of the social sciences, a significant improvement could be achieved in both public catering and education on healthy nutrition.

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Abstract

In Hungary, about half of the 3–18 age group has regularly used school food service. This paper focuses on the operation and social embeddedness of school canteens and the at-home eating habits of the families involved. My conclusions are based on the findings of my interdisciplinary research group. Ethnographers from the RCH Institute of Ethnology and dietitians from the National Institute of Pharmacy and Nutrition have been studying school food from 2018 to 2023. We selected a few model settlements: in addition to the capital, Budapest, three smaller towns, and two villages. Through questionnaires, interviews, and fieldwork observations, we investigated cooking, serving, meal courses, meal time, eating habits, preferences, as well as the nutritional knowledge of students, teachers, kitchen staff, and parents. Our goal, among other things, is to collect best practices and facilitate communication between participants. Some examples from our research highlight the special role of the centrally regulated school food in local food culture, and difficulties with social and historical roots can occasionally hamper school lunches in becoming a socially accepted model of a healthy diet. The school canteen works best at sites where cooking takes place within the school premises. There is a strong connection between the kitchen staff and the teachers, and they work together in the interest of the children. The value of food and its appreciation is demonstrated by how it is treated and how it is talked about. Communication about food in the canteen should be based on food preparation at home, where parents and children work together. The operation of canteens has become particularly problematic following the measures introduced during the coronavirus pandemic. A sustainable, enjoyable canteen can only be realized through the regular communication of schools and school kitchens, as well as children and their parents. Our findings are presented to our respondents, along with providing them with a comparison of different examples.

Open access

School Meals on the Menu

Studies on the Practices of Children's Catering

Acta Ethnographica Hungarica
Author:
Anikó Báti
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Abstract

To explore if translation-intrinsic features are apparent in other types of bilingualism-influenced constrained language use such as non-native production, this study approaches syntactic and typological properties of constrained English translated from Chinese and written by native Chinese speakers via two cognitively-motivated dependency metrics, viz. mean dependency distance (MDD) and dependency direction (DDir). Results of this study show that translated English (both L1 and L2) and non-native English differ from the non-constrained native English in a similar way yet to a slightly different extent, but not from each other in both indicators. Syntactically, bilingually-constrained varieties exhibit reduced syntactic complexity with shorter MDDs, suggesting a simplification tendency. Typologically, cross-linguistic influences are detected in constrained varieties for being more head-final in word-order primed by the source or native language Chinese. Surprisingly, it seems that language directionality affects, albeit marginally, the affinity between constrained varieties, with non-native English being more syntactically and typologically similar to translated English from L1 than from L2.

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События 2014 и 2022 гг. в новой русской лексике

The Events of 2014 and 2022 in the New Russian Vocabulary

Studia Slavica
Author:
С. Д. ЛЕВИНА

Статья посвящена процессам в русской лексике и фразеологии 2014 и 2022 гг., вызванным важ-нейшим событием этих лет – конфликтом России и Украины, перешедшим в вооруженное про-тивостояние. В материалах группы словарей новых слов ИЛИ РАН эта тематическая группа круп-нейшая среди неологизмов 2014 г., а в 2022 г. и вовсе составляет 2/3 всего материала. Лексика этих лет интересна в первую очередь самим наличием такой явно доминирующей тематической группы, отсутствующей или малоактивной в другие годы. Цель работы – выявить некоторые тенденции, под влиянием которых появляются и функционируют слова и фразеологизмы, относящиеся к исследу-емой группе.

В статье рассматриваются способы маркирования чужого; деривация от ключевых слов 2014 и 2022 гг.; эвфемизация лексики этой тематической группы и сопротивление этой тенденции.

Типичная для ситуации острого конфликта лексика, в том числе относящаяся к языку вражды, часто создается в эти годы на основе политической, идеологической и военной лексики, связанной с предыдущими историческими периодами, прежде всего с периодом Второй мировой войны. Новые номинации образуются на основе таких слов, как фашизм, нацизм, хунта, сионистский, причем но-сителям языка более важна их коннотация, чем денотат. Развиваются новые значения у сниженной лексики, изначально обозначавшей понятия, связанные с ультраправой идеологией, чуждой гово-рящему. Для исследуемой лексики характерна идеологическая энантиосемия: употребление одних и тех же языковых единиц разными сторонами конфликта по отношению к оппонентам или упо-требление одних и тех же языковых единиц обеими сторонами конфликта по отношению к одному и тому же денотату. В голофрастических конструкциях, возникших в результате лексикализации высказываний, говорящий кратко формулирует чуждую ему позицию, выражая к ней собственное отношение. Таких неологизмов немного, но среди них есть частотные и являющиеся вершинами новых словообразовательных гнезд. Еще один способ дистанцирования говорящего от предмета речи – употребление чуждых говорящему языковых форм.

В результате деривации от слов крымнаш, СВО, символа Z, а также русской транскрипции на-звания этой буквы зет образуются сверхпродуктивные гнезда, причем в случае с крымнаш-, зет- и Z- – от нетипичных для русского словообразования основ. Рассмотрено также появление наимено-ваний самой буквы Z как символа военных действий России на территории Украины.

Крайне важная тенденция в лексике и фразеологии 2022 г. – эвфемизация. Причина появления эвфемизмов – экстралингвистическая: власть создает эвфемизмы, стремясь сформировать опреде-ленный дискурс для обсуждения происходящих событий, а часть носителей языка стремится этого дискурса избежать – и создает иные эвфемизмы. Ответом на эвфемизацию становится не только создание новых эвфемизмов, но и языковая игра с эвфемизмами существующими.

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Емоційний світ колоніального суб’єкта у прозі Г. Квітки-Основ’яненка і В. Наріжного

Феномен ресентименту

The Emotional World of the Colonial Subject in the Prose of Hryhorii Kvitka-Osnovianenko and Vasyl’ Narizhnyi: The Phenomenon of Resentment

Studia Slavica
Author:
Артур Малиновський

Обґрунтувано аспекти психопоетики і психоісторії як принципово нові дослідницькі стратегій в осягненні творчих здобутків української літератури. Застосована у статті методологія нового історизму дозволила розглянути втілені в літературі історичні образи крізь призму емоцій, колек-тивного психічного досвіду нації. Підкреслено конструктивну роль емоцій у транстекстуальних практиках, міграціях сюжетів, зіставлених у перспективі віддалених культурних епох. У площині культурного трансферу емоції досліджуються у творах Г. Квітки-Основ’яненка і В. Наріжного.

Розглянуто колоніальний ресентимент як національний психоемоційний комплекс, прояв колек-тивної чутливості, троп, фігуру мовлення, елемент контроверсійного письма в українській літерату-рі. Застосування емоціонологічного підходу до вивчення націй, етнічних груп вельми продуктивне з огляду на створення альтернативних психоісторій і психопоетики національних літератур, пост-колоніального прочитання традиційних наративів, локальної історії як картографованої чутливо-сті. Зосереджено увагу на ресентименті, варіативності його проявів у творах письменників, просте-жено зв’язок комплексу національно-історичної образи з психологією колоніальної впокореності і підімперським статусом самої української літератури першої половини XIX ст. Доведено доціль-ність антропологічного підходу до типології націй як емоційних спільнот з притаманними їм емо-ційними стандартами і режимами, обґрунтовано потужний вплив європейських романтичних док-трин, зокрема Й. Г. Гердера, на формування націєцентризму української літератури. Акцентовано національну специфіку емоційної поведінки і пов’язаних з нею проявів помсти, класової ненависті, насильства, соціальної агресії, виявлено вплив повстанських рухів, психології бунту на формування антиколоніального світогляду. Твори В. Наріжного і Г. Квітки-Основ’яненка проаналізовано з точ-ки зору антропологізації жанру, репрезентації національної історії в жанрових формах і в площині націєрозповідності.

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Abstract

Is György Ligeti's Le Grand Macabre (1974–1977/1996) a dystopian work, or rather one of utopia? Traditionally, dystopia and utopia have formed an alternative. Yet Ligeti and librettist Michael Meschke enact an intertwinement of dystopia and utopia, in a series of moves and countermoves: (1) Death threatens to eliminate all life. (2) The earth is saved from the fate of the destruction of life – “Death is dead” (II/4). (3) Yet “Breughelland” is and will remain a crude and cruel tyranny. (4) The farcical character of the whole calls into question whether any of the previous moves can be taken seriously. Ligeti's/Meschke's subversion of the antinomy of utopia and dystopia, introduced in the opening “Breughellandlied,” turns out to be in the spirit of Piet the Pot's namesake Pieter Breughel the Elder, as a closer look at his 1567 painting Het Luilekkerland, an inspiration already to de Ghelderode, reveals. The irritating role thus assigned to consumption, however, seems to trivially lose all ambiguity through the words of the opera's final stanza. While this is a weighty objection to the reading proposed here, the conclusion attempts to outline a rejoinder to it.

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