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Arts and Humanities journals’ primary focus is on presenting theoretical and empirical research in these respective fields. The main goal is to encourage educational research and connect academia to the scientific community. Researchers and scholars need to share their research findings with others to help better understand and act on the ongoing social changes in the field. The Arts and Humanities journals aim to provide a platform for everyone who shares a common interest in these fields and to group all the latest field findings in one place.

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Abstract

In August 216 BC, Hannibal offered Rome a chance to ransom 10,000 POWs (prisoners of war), but the Senate, even though it was desperate for manpower, rejected his offer and instead purchased and freed 8,000 slaves to enlist in the army. The message was that Rome preferred newly freedmen who would fight for Rome over the men who had not fought their way out of the enemy's grasp. Hannibal sold the POWs into slavery. Thereafter, disdain for prisoners became a permanent feature of the Roman war machine. Diodorus, Livy, Plutarch, and Dio acknowledge that the Romans used to ransom and exchange POWs just like everyone else, but after Cannae they stopped. Cannae revived traumatic memories of how Rome had surrendered to Brennus and ransomed the city in 387 BC and surrendered to the Samnites in 321 BC at Caudine Forks and signed an unfavorable peace. Although Romans invented stories of salvation and exacting revenge in both cases, these humiliating events left deep scars in the Roman psyche, which never completely healed.

The defeat and capture of Atilius Regulus in Africa in 255 directly relates to the above-mentioned disasters. Although Romans transformed Regulus into a hero and martyr for integrity, claiming that he returned to Rome in 250 BC (five years after his death!) and denounced a prisoner exchange he had promised to endorse, the legend obscured the fact that Rome did exchange prisoners out of necessity in 249.

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By presenting Penelope's experiences and traits as parallel to those of Odysseus, the text of the Odyssey depicts her as heroic in her own right. This detailed analysis of Penelope's life in the palace on Ithaca – depicted as an Underworld-like realm of suspension – shows how similar her experiences, traits, actions and reactions are to her husband's; the text furnishes multiple similes and epithets that demonstrate these parallels. The suspension of progress on Ithaca during the suitors' presence, in addition to Penelope's and others' declarations that Odysseus is dead, instills the palace with an atmosphere of death; in effect, this represents Penelope's katabasis. When she converses with her “dead” husband, she learns in this nekyia – as Odysseus learns during his – what she needs to know to move forward. This article offers an in-depth look at the language, similes, and epithets that portray Penelope's life and experiences in the palace as well as her crucial encounter with Odysseus in book 19, where the suspension and liminality reach their peak.

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Abstract

After reflecting on the many dimensions that homecoming involves both in the present and in antiquity, the ceremonial enhancement of various returns of Caesar Augustus from military campaigns are briefly rehearsed through the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (4. 1–2) and other sources. These include the triumph following the battle of Actium (31/29 BC) and the celebration after the re-establishment of peace with the Parthians, which resulted in the cult of Fortuna Redux (19 BC). The Ara Pacis Augustae was decreed after Augustus' victories in Gaul (Res Gestae 12; Cassius Dio 54. 25. 1–4). The famous procession friezes have often been regarded as depicting the emperor's arrival celebrated as a ‘thanksgiving’ (supplicatio) in July 13 BC, but are better understood as memorializing the day on which the sacred space for the Ara Pacis was inaugurated in September. The friezes depict the emperor's family members as well as divine and mythical figures; while presented as naturalistic or historical, they are open to symbolic readings. In a certain sense, the senators enshrined the motif of Augustus' homecoming into the cult of Roman Peace (and Prosperity) and eternalized the ritualized blessing that this should bring to the Roman people. Cassius Dio's highly conflated account of the Senate's decrees in honour of the returning emperor was composed as criticism against servile flattering, but indirectly confirms the ideas underlying the Senate's decrees on the Actian Triumph, the cult for Fortuna Redux, and the sanctuary of the Ara Pacis: the salutary effect of Augustus' victorious return(s) to Rome should become a permanent blessing irrespective of the singular historical events.

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The journeys of Orpheus

Itinerary between the world and the underworld, between life and death of the Thracian singer

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Authors:
Francesca Ceci
and
Aleksandra Krauze-Kołodziej

Abstract

The figure of Orpheus has been and continues to be the subject of in-depth studies focusing mainly on the historical, religious (relative especially to Orphism), and then iconographic aspects (the representation of Orpheus and typical moments of mythical imagination that concern him). It may be interesting here to draw a precise map of places visited by Orpheus, alive but also once killed, through his prophetic head and lyre. This paper also aims to present the iconographic itinerary of the journeys of the Thracian singer between Ancient and Modern times.

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Abstract

The issue of magistrates who came back to Rome provides a perspective to deal with the topic of home returns in the Roman world. This paper focuses on magistrates' homecomings which occurred earlier than expected. To this end, a lexical enquiry on Latin locutions (provincia decedere, revocari ad urbem, redire Romam ex provincia), in a chronological span between the 1st Punic War and the Gracchan Age until the eve of the tribunate of Gaius Gracchus (264–124 BC), will be conducted.

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Abstract

From ancient sources, we learn that typically, a politician condemned to exile would withdraw to private life, waiting for the period of interdiction to end. For Pisistratus, on the contrary, sources tell us that during his exiles, he distinguished himself by conducting intense activity, both politically and economically.

My contribution aims to demonstrate, in particular, how the periods of exile were exploited by the future tyrant of Athens to intensify his expansionist activity. The fruits of this activity, detached from the actions of the city and configured as a ‘private' initiative, were made available to the entire citizenry upon ‘return' to the city and proved to be particularly valuable for the growth of the city of Athen.

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Abstract

Jason's coming back to Iolcus embodies the return from exile after an unjustified usurpation. Pelias overthrew his half-brother Aeson, and he forced the latter's new-born Jason into exile. In the Fourth Pythian Ode for Arcesilaus IV of Cyrene, Pindar's mythical digression focuses on the perspective of the exile Jason coming back to Iolcus. Pindar focuses on this story in fuller detail because he favors the recall of the exile Damophilus, a disgraced member of the aristocracy from Cyrene. The mythical conflict of the Aeolid family corresponds to the historical internal strife among the Battiads. The opposition to this dynasty should shortly put an end to their power after the overthrow of Arcesilaus IV. Given his authority as initiated into poetry, Pindar has the right to advise the king to reconcile with his opponents. Finally, this Ode is written to support the right of Damophilus, who was a close friend of Pindar, to be allowed to return to his homeland.

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As mythological figures, Demeter and Kore stand together as timeless symbols of this moment of transition between maidenhood, wifehood, and then motherhood. While contemplating these goddesses, historically situated and embodied women surely remembered — or learned soon enough — that pregnancies and babies would follow their marriage. The mythological narrative, however, focuses on this crucial transition rather than on the effective beginning of motherhood through pregnancy and childbirth. Kore is the maiden, the new bride, and the mother-to-be. She never becomes a mother.

The absence of offspring can be explained by the functional reading we just mentioned: she is a mother-to-be, not a mother. Demeter, in the Eleusinian myth, plays the role of the mother. There is, however, another way that can be explored in this regard and that is not necessarily in contrast with the first one: Kore/Persephone's marriage is sterile since it takes place in the underworld. There is no life in the afterworld; therefore, she can not give birth to a child. This paper will explore if the journey of Kore/Persephone to the Hades can be seen as a path to infertility.

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Abstract

“Hannibal's War” was what Carthage called the Second Punic War from 218–202 BCE because it was clear from the outset Carthaginian leadership was not fully participatory or even much engaged with him and his long Italian campaign. The signs of estrangement were seen at least as early as Hannibal's siege of Saguntum in 219 BCE when Carthage's Gerousia or Council of Elders took no responsibility with the envoy from Rome complaining about his “brutal” taking of Saguntum. But perhaps it is more important to examine exactly where – and when – Hannibal's real home might have been, since he could hardly call Carthage his true home, as this brief paper proposes. Discussion follows what Hannibal learned in Iberia and how important Iberia as his adopted homeland and its abundant silver meant to him instead – not Carthage – and how Iberia under his father Hamilcar prepared his lifelong stratagems for war, with Scipio as his eventual young rival student from Rome leading to Zama, which brought Hannibal back to Carthage under the worst circumstances and a periphery of his prior successes. Whether or not Hannibal's return to Carthage in 203–202 BCE can be called a “homecoming” is certainly moot in many ways, especially given that it was not his home for most of his life. Decades later, given his estrangement from Carthage, Scipio's famous epitaph could just as well be Hannibal's.

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Abstract

First, we will retrace the life and brilliant career of this Roman senator of Bithynian origins who came from an ancient family of public figures and who had served five or six emperors and been friends with several of them, having been twice appointed to the role of consul.

Then we will consider the nature of his role as Senator coming from an Eastern province and its relationship with Roman power. We will come to see that he represents the perfect example of his theory of the association of provincial élites coming to power, which was developed at length in his work, Roman History, which he produced in Greek for a Greek readership.

Finally, rather paradoxically, we will consider how he sees himself in a largely bi-lingual and bi-cultural empire and how he speaks of his homeland with a view to determining whether his attachment to his ‘little country’ is the stronger and if his numerous sojourns in Rome amount to little more than a ‘golden exile’ for him.

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