The present study analyses the rules of the new Code of Civil Procedure (hereinafter referred to as CCP) on access to information and evidence on the basis of the provisions of the draft bill submitted to the Parliament (draft bill no. T/11900).
The new CCP reiterates that the main objective is the impartial adjudication of cases, which is to be achieved by ensuring the effectiveness of proceedings, strengthening the parties’ obligation to tell the truth within a fair trial, introducing a split system of proceedings and the court’s contributive actions, obliging both parties, as a general rule, to be represented by a legal representative (the high courts’ model), regulating the means of electronic communication and strengthening the parties’ right to dispose of the taking of evidence.
During the examination of the topic of the taking of evidence, I had been concerned about the issue of what are the parties’ true expectations from the judicial system and to what extent the legislator is able to live up to them. The parties expect from the courts to reveal the truth in order to provide compensation for the damage suffered by them, and the new CCP seeks to meet this social expectation within the framework of the parties’ factual allegations. The issue of whether the parties’ allegations are true is of essential nature in the proceedings, and based on their assessment the court should deliver a just (true to the facts) judgement. Following the court’s judgement, the case adjudged — on the basis of the legal premise of Ulpian: ‘Res iudicata pro veritate accipitur’ — must be taken for truth. The new regulation aims to ensure the implementation and enforceability of those procedural requirements that are related to the objective of evidence taking (the court has to become convinced of the veracity of the parties’ allegations) and the parties’ interests in the taking of evidence (the parties seek to convince the court).
A tanulmányban egy európai kutatás (MYPLACE projekt) magyar adatbázisán
(N = 1 200 fő), a 15–26 éves fiatalok vizsgálata alapján a
következő kérdésre próbáltunk válaszolni: hogyan jellemezhető a fiatalok
demokráciáról alkotott értelmezése, és milyen szocializációs tényezők
befolyásolják leginkább a fogalom értelmezését. A vizsgálat koncepciója nem
előzetes kutatói konstrukciók szerint, hanem a szociális reprezentáció
elméletéhez és egyik módszertani lehetőségéhez (asszociációk) kapcsolódott. Az
eredmények a demokrácia antiliberális és inkább negatív tartalmú
reprezentációjára utalnak, melynek alakításában nem a nyílt politikai
aktivitásnak, hanem a „rejtett” szocializációs hatásoknak van szerepük.
A cikk a Független Diákparlament létrejöttét, működését és társadalmi hátterét
mutatja be. A magyar törvényhozás viszonylag hamar módot adott a középiskolás
diákok szervezkedésére és érdekeik képviseletére az iskolai
diákönkormányzatokkal, valójában a fiatalok kevésbé voltak erre felkészülve. Az
Országos Diákparlament diszfunkciós működésének ellensúlyozására hozták létre
diákok a Független Diákparlamentet 2014-ben, amely független az államtól, a
politikai pártoktól, továbbá az iskoláktól is, és az interneten lebonyolított
általános választásokkal jön létre évente. Ősszel plenáris ülésen meghatározott
témákkal foglalkozó munkabizottságokat hoz létre, amelyek a tavaszi plenáris
ülésre terjesztik elő kidolgozott javaslataikat. A diákparlament által
elfogadott javaslatokat az oktatásért felelős miniszterhez juttatják el. A
diákparlament összetételét természetesen befolyásolják a társadalom
szociokulturális viszonyai: képviselőnek inkább jelöltetik magukat a
gimnazisták, mint a szakközépiskolások és a fejletlenebb térségek lakói. Ezzel
együtt a Független Diákparlament egy valóban alulról szerveződő, tényleges
problémákra reflektáló autentikus diákmozgalom.
Frédéric Lordon a munkatörvénykönyv reformja elleni tiltakozás idején, 2016.
februárban született Nuit debout urbánus ifjúsági mozgalmat
elemezte áprilisban a politikai alany és tárgy, a horizontalitás és
vertikalitás, továbbá a mozgalomnak a képviseleti demokráciához való viszonya
szempontjából. Nyomában összehasonlítjuk ezt a mozgalmat egy körülbelül tízéves
múlttal rendelkező, elsősorban vidéken kialakult és tevékenykedő másik ifjúsági
mozgalommal, a ZAD-dal. Mi ennek a két mozgalomnak a múlthoz, az azt megszünteni
akaró neoliberális erőkhöz (ellenállás) és a jövőhöz (kreativitás) való
The Hungarian legal society has been waiting for almost a decade for the legislator not to modify the Code of Civil Procedure in force but to find some time to adopt a new Code of Civil Procedure that meets the changed societal and economic expectations for a modern justice system. Their wish has been satisfied by the Hungarian Parliament, however, the new procedural code and its detailed rules will be heavily debated. This paper sets two aims: briefly presents the legal remedy system of the Hungarian Code of Civil Procedure in force, including the conceptual problems that have arisen during its application by the courts in the past 60 years, secondly, outlines the legal remedy system of the Bill on the new Hungarian Code of Civil Procedure and examines whether the conceptual problems presented could be successfully addressed by the new procedural code.
This study aims at delineating the Hungarian rules on lis pendens and res judicata in the Code of Civil Procedure Bill when they become available in September 2016. Both institutions serve the goal to prevent inconsistent judgements in a case and therefore to establish legal certainty, nevertheless certain exceptions are regulated. Res judicata and lis pendens are formal barriers to re-litigation, the judge takes them into account ex officio. Under the present and future rules there is a rather wide opportunity to deteriorate finality with legal recourses available against final judgments.
A cikk azt kutatja, hogy fiatal, jól kereső, jó munkahelyi körülmények között
dolgozó elit munkavállalók miért vonzódnak radikális jobboldali üzenetekhez. A
cikket megalapozó kutatás során egy nyugat-magyarországi autóipari cég
szakszervezeti aktivistáival készült 2015 folyamán. Az interjúk alapján a cikk
amellett érvel, hogy két fő oka van annak, hogy fiatal munkavállalók vonzódnak
radikális jobboldali üzenetekhez. Az egyik ok a családi szocializáció, amely
fenntartja az ötvenes évekbeli keserű emlékeket, és nyitottá teszi a fiatalokat
a baloldalellenes üzenetekre. A mélyen átélt nemzeti érzelem szintén fontos
jellemzője politikai nézeteiknek. A másik ok a többrétegű kizsákmányolás
képzete. Kizsákmányolva érzik magukat a külföldi vállalat tulajdonosa által,
mert béreik – bár magyar viszonylatban kiemelkedőek – elmaradnak a nyugati
bérektől. Dühíti őket az általuk befejezetlennek tartott rendszerváltás, a
csalódás a baloldalban (hazugságbeszéd) és a politikai korrupcióval szembeni
tehetetlenségük, az az érzés, hogy a FIDESZ elárulta 2010-es üzeneteit.
Családi-környezeti szocializációból fakadó érzelmi elkötelezettségeik,
csalódásaik és többrétegű kizsákmányolásképzeteik teszik őket nyitottá radikális
jobboldali üzenetek iránt, arra, hogy a Jobbiktól várják a megoldást.
A politikai szocializációs kutatások egyértelmű eredménye volt, hogy a nyolcvanas
évek elejére a rendszer látens törekvése, a politikai aktivitástól eltávolítás
átfogó sikerrel járt. Az iskolai-mozgalmi szférában szervezett, külsőségeiben
politikai jellegű vékony látszataktivitás mögött egy, az egész akkori
társadalmat jellemző individualizációs folyamat húzódott meg.
Néhány létszférában viszont a hivatalos, intézményi működéstől független, spontán
szerveződések is megjelentek. Ezek a maguk területein nem voltak előzmény
nélküliek. A csöves-aluljárós csoportok, a vallási bázisközösségek, a
békemozgalmak, egyes oktatási intézményekben önálló hallgatói képviseletre
törekvő kis csoportok, végül a független ifjúsági szervezet létrehozását célzó
szerveződések kis szigetek voltak az ifjúsági tömegben, de működésükből már
akkor is levonhatók voltak közös tanulságok.
The author analyses the newly codified civil procedure regarding its overall position towards the distribution of the obligations between the parties, their lawyers and the judges. Every civil procedure is balanced on the axis of this distribution, changing their inquisitorial or adversarial nature as the obligations vary. As the author illuminates, the new Code strikes a delicate balance between the elevated responsibilities of the parties and particularly their lawyers, and on the other side the courts having the burden of adjudicating a case in a fair and just way within reasonable time.
A tanulmányban arra teszünk kísérletet egy – 14 európai ország 16–26 éves
fiataljai körében lefolytatott – kérdőíves vizsgálat (N =
18 000) alapján, hogy a kontinens ideáltipikus politikai kultúráit bemutassuk,
valamint annak országonkénti és gazdasági helyzetenkénti eloszlását elemezzük.
Első lépésben a politikai kultúra elemzésekor alkalmazott változók kerülnek
bemutatásra. Ezt követően a politikai témákkal kapcsolatos közömbösség, a
radikalizmus, a politikai értékek, az érzelmek és kölcsönhatások
klaszteranalízisére kerül sor, mely elemzés célja a politikai kultúra
ideáltipikus mintázatainak feltárása. A harmadik részben az egyes országok
radikalizálódási potenciálját térképezzük fel, elemezve a politikai kultúra
különböző mintázatainak arányát. Ezen elemzések segítségével lehet kidolgozni a
radikalizálódás diagnózisát és prognózisát az egyes vizsgált országokban és
This paper presents and analyzes the rules of provisional and protective measures as laid down in the current Draft of the New Hungarian Civil Procedure. It focuses on the purposes and contents of the provisional measures and devotes a separate section to the function of the security that the applicant has to deposit if ordered by the court. The paper concludes that provisional measures have a special mixed character in the sense that they are simultaneously and tightly connected to substantive law and procedural law. The security is regulated in accordance with this mixed character.
The following article presents the importance of the service of documents instituting civil proceedings as well as the relevant Hungarian and European Union legislation. The author covers the formal requirements of the service of documents, the claims brought against defendants, the subsequent stages of proceedings and the issue of providing adequate information on potential legal consequences.
A cikk a társadalmi mozgalmakkal foglalkozik. Azt vizsgálja, hogy az ifjúsági
társadalom elmúlt negyedszázadában milyen mozgalmi csírákat azonosíthattunk. A
fogalmi magyarázatot követően a cikk arra koncentrált, hogy ezek a mozgalmak
milyen sikereket, kudarcokat értek el, és miként befolyásolták az ifjúság
általános beállítódását. Nyilvánvalóan fontos e téren az országos hallgatói
képviselet és az alternatív hallgatói mozgalom, leginkább a HaHa és ennek
középiskolai változatának elemzése. Érdekes, és külön vizsgálandó kérdés, hogy
az ifjúsági társadalom nyertes és vesztes csoportjaiban azonosított két
szubkultúra, a kuruc.info és a Critical Mass tudott-e mozgalommá fejlődni, és ha
igen, hogyan változtatta meg a magyar fiatalok politikai közgondolkodását.
From Transnational Principles to European Rules of Civil Procedure is a joint project of the European Law Institute (ELI) and the International Institute for the Unification of Private Law (UNIDROIT). This paper gives a systematic presentation of the progress by one of the project’s working groups tasked with the elaboration of rules on the obligations of parties, lawyers and judges using as a starting point Principle 11 of the Transnational Principles of Civil Procedure produced by the American Law Institute (ALI) and UNIDROIT. Since November 2014, progress by the Working Group has advanced, resulting in a number of draft rules dealing with procedural obligations (and sanctions for their breach) related to case management, pleading of facts, evidence and law and the efforts to achieve autonomous settlement of civil disputes. The paper describes the major achievements of this work, emphasising several important changes in comparison to the conventional approach to procedural obligations.
The majority of states recognize the lawfulness of expropriation or nationalization of foreign property, provided the taking is non-discriminatory; there is a public purpose; compensation is paid for the taken property; and due process of law is respected. The standard of compensation paid for the taken property is the most disputed requirement. This work examines the development of compensation theories through the most important milestone cases, the Hull and Calvo doctrines, United Nations’ documents and the Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations Law of the United States.
Free access to information is considered to be one of the most important fundamental political rights of citizens. Free access to information has a long history originating in Sweden in the 18th century and has since then been incrementally constitutionalised in most of the democratic countries. It is worth studying the fact that legislation regulating this question in European Union legal systems, and in the Czech Republic as well, started much later — fifteen years ago at the beginning of the millennium. Even though the age of both the acts — EU (the Regulation of the European Parliament and the Council (EC) No. 1049/2001 of 30 May 2001 regarding public access to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents) and Czech (the Act (CZ) on Free Access to Information No. 106/1999) is the same, the legislation itself differs significantly and they both have legal shortcomings. The analysis of the EU legislation granting free access to information of the EU institutions from the Czech perspective brings interesting and inspiring ideas for reforms — especially of the EU legislation.
In Hungary, there is an active practice for inspecting crimes committed in information technology environments as well as crimes affecting intellectual property as the two areas often overlap. Recently a criminal infringement of copyright occurred in a very special environment — the virtual world of Second Life. In this paper, the questions raised by the above-mentioned case from a legal and IT forensic perspective will be present along with the recommended answers from the authors.
The first half of the paper will present the specialties of virtual world environments and how the criminal investigation was started. General criminal procedure norms governing IT forensics will be discussed. The question of how copyright law protects avatars or virtual items in Second Life and how the financial value of a virtual item can be determined will be answered. The remainder of the paper will present, in detail, the IT forensic examination of the concrete criminal case where illegal copies of avatars appeared in Second Life. The question regarding how digital evidences can be obtained from simulated virtual environments from a legal and IT forensic perspective will be discussed in details.
The paper was written in order to stimulate interest in the special field of relationship between IT forensics, criminal law and virtual worlds because there are hardly any articles dealing with the aforementioned problem in scientific literature.
This paper identifies and analyses the impact of European integration on the structure and characteristics of the modern monetary law, with a special emphasis on the characteristics of the monetary system of Serbia. A particular problem with monetary sovereignty analysis is the external effects, which are reflected in the EMU attempt to expand its authority over the territory of the Member States. This is particularly evident in the case of the candidate countries, which must harmonize their financial legislations with the acquis communautaire. Monetary policy is fully centralized at the European Union level, so Serbian lawmakers must make the necessary derogations of monetary standards in order to facilitate future accession to EMU – primarily the provisions Law of Central Bank, Law on Public Debt Management and the Foreign Exchange Act.
The concept of ‘presumption’ — despite being often present in the legal environment — still lacks an approach which is uniformly accepted. Worku Y. Wodage argues that ‘the controversy regarding the operation and effect of “presumption” (...) has not yet been conclusively resolved despite efforts of scholars.’
One has a situation where one notion, used to potentially denote a number of different legal categories, causes various problems. In this Article the concept of ‘presumption’ is examined from the position of exact sciences and laws of cognition, and it is argued that only a part of the various elements of the legal technique united under a title of ‘presumptions’ can be recognized as proper presumptions.
The article describes the distinctive features and main disadvantages of the Commonwealth of Independent States Model Civil Code’s provisions of general parts of private international law, which found reception in the national legislation of the member states. The Code was accepted as a model for codification by the majority of the CIS states. An analysis of the Code’s provisions can help interpret the unclear national rules, will allow to predict courts’ modus operandi in conflict-of-laws cases and can provide an opportunity to estimate further development prospects of private international law in the post-Soviet area.
The current EU—US negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) may result in a comprehensive agreement which will be able to shape not only the traditional trade agenda but will cover a set of non-trade matters as well. Specifically, the environmental impacts as a matter of public concern are at the centre of attention of both the academia and the civil society. The proposed paper intends to analyse two aspects of the likely implications which could be triggered by the future transatlantic agreement. First, the policy level of the analysis is focusing on the question of how the contracting parties will integrate the environmental concerns into the agreement and how these concerns could be reconciled with the standard trade concerns and principles. Second, the TTIP could also have a direct impact on the environmental regulation; for this reason, the paper will also focus on the regulatory level. The paper concludes that a carefully planned agreement will not constrain the policy leeway of the EU in the field of the environmental protection, however, the EU negotiators have to pay very close attention to choosing the right models, methods and formulations in the future text of the agreement.
Authors:Aleksey Pavlovich Anisimov and Anatoliy Jakovlevich Ryzhenkov
This article is devoted to research of philosophical discussions about animal rights which have affected on content of international law and national legal systems. This has manifested itself in the gradually recognition of the rights of wild and domestic animals. The authors provide classification of these rights and, according to criteria of their scope, distinguish three groups of wild animals and seven groups of domestic animals (companions, circus, agricultural, sport, experimental, zoo and service animals). Domestic animals have both vested rights (protection against cruelty and to a favorable environment) and, to a different extent, the right to good treatment, choice of owner, good health (veterinary care), adequate burial and comfortable transfer – these mainly dependent on the owner’s goodwill. The article includes evidences that the current situation with a different scope of subjective rights of different groups of animals resembles the situation with a different scope of rights of certain groups of population in the age of feudal fragmentation. The authors also comment about gradual change and future of the situation.
Authors:Emanuel G.D. van Dongen and Henriëtte P. Verdam
The injured party’s own conduct contributing to the damage suffered has been a bar to the recovery of damages in delictual liability for centuries, both in the traditions of civil as well as common law. This article describes and compares the historical development, from (classical) Roman law up to French, German and Dutch law in the beginning of the 20th century, of the method with which cases involving the behaviour of the injured party contributed to the occurrence of damage — nowadays called ‘contributory negligence’, with the English common law tradition from the medieval period until the Law Reform (Contributory Negligence) Act of 1945. In both the civil and the common law traditions, the result of ‘contributory negligence’ was the same — all or nothing. Solutions found in civil and common law to deal with the contributory conduct of the injured party are not very different. There might have been remarkable similarities in the way one solved this issue before a concept of contributory negligence existed. Furthermore, whilst the official introduction of the partition of damages as a result of contributory negligence came later in common law than in civil law, early signs of the adoption of this principle can be also be found in 19th century common law.
This article presents a concept on legal character called The Eternity Clause i.e. a legal standard declaring some principles, values or specific constitutional provisions to be unalterable and irrevocable. The Eternity Clause is viewed as a substantive legal instrument, which enables society to preserve its values for eternity. Its purpose is to surpass simple appeal and limit practical ‘power’; to maintain the desired values; to maintain the political system and maybe even remove the mask of legality from violent revolution.
The majority of the modern constitutions contain some form of Eternity Clause. However, the purpose of this paper is to show that the clause can be viewed in another way. It concerns a practical instrument, which should be also heard in political and constitutional law debate especially during constitutional-law making process.
“Korkma — Fear not” starts the Turkish national anthem that was officially adopted on 12 March 1921. A framed version of the Turkish national anthem, the symbol of the nation, and in wider sense the historical Turkic symbols of kinship typically occupy the wall above the blackboard in the classrooms of Turkish schools, accompanied by a Turkish flag, a photograph of the country’s founding father Atatürk, and a copy of Atatürk’s famous inspirational speech to the nation’s youth from the concluding remarks to his 20 October 1927 address to the Parliament. The concept of nationalism of Atatürk remained a universal and timeless constitutional reference in Turkey. In the first part of this paper, the nature of Turkish nationalism at the time of its emergence is examined, studying this state shaped nationalism in a comparative context. The second part focuses on the constellation of the Atatürk’s nationalism in the symbiotic system of the six arrows: nationalism, laicism, populism, republicanism, etatism and revolutionism.
This paper discusses the different approaches of health care protection in a comparison between Europe and the United States. After an historical introduction over constitutional documents and social rights’ definition, the paper focuses over the establishment of health care services in European systems. The United States did not consider health’s protection as a right, until the PPACA (2010) required all Americans to buy health insurance and introduced strict regulations for health insurers. The traditional approach has started to change, even though there has been two necessary Supreme Court’s rulings to prevent the new health care reform from being set aside.
The change in the welfare State had raised some interesting questions. What does the right to health care mean today? Is it a right, a fundamental right or a benefit? A possible answer involves synchronic and diachronic comparisons but only an historical research approach seems appropriate to understand the current situation and what might be the future.
The second thesis of the “Trento Manifesto” investigates to what extent the study of legal phenomena of the past can shed light on contemporary legal developments. This question could be relevant as well with reference to old customary codes, such as the Sardinian one, known as Codice barbaricino.
In specific areas of Sardinia, an oral customary law — which has been in force for centuries — is still partly applicable. This body of customary rules was transcribed in the 20th century into a code by the Italian scholar Antonio Pigliaru, thus drawing the attention of the mainstream legal culture.
The cornerstone of the Sardinian legal system is the concept of “revenge” as the natural way to put an end to conflicts. Due to the peculiar geographical, social and economic features of Sardinia, revenge and its subsequent codification easily became instruments for affirming cultural, social and historical uniqueness. While pastoral societies guarded jealously their legal traditions to protect the community from external influences, Pigliaru used the transcription to build an original Sardinian identity by basing his work on two main questions: did the unwritten Codice barbaricino influence the social and political context of Sardinia? What can this experience of consolidation of an oral legal culture teach to modern legal scholarship?
This paper scrutinizes various levels and aspects of Hungarian criminal law from the perspective of particularly vulnerable victims, with regard to recent EU legislation. After a short introduction, Section 2 presents and compares several notions. The following sections present protective measures and instruments of substantive and procedural criminal law as well as the key regulations of the adjoining administrative field. At the end, the questions if Hungarian legislation has fully implemented the relevant EU Directive, and what further steps should be taken are addressed.
This paper shows, using a history based methodology, the differences between the “people’s initiative procedures” or “progressive model” and the “authoritative body-initiative procedures” or “plebiscitary model” — two structural models for recall procedure. These two heuristic models will be inferred, respectively, by the recall procedures adopted in the U.S., starting from 1903, and the recall procedures adopted in some States of Europe, starting from the Weimar constitution of 1919. The political-constitutional reasons behind the evident structural differences (“bottom-up” and “top-down” procedures) will be explained by providing an historical reconstruction about the genesis of the idea of “the recall” in the first American constitutionalism (the “Antifederalist recall”). Then the political idea behind the “progressive model” will be considered with special attention paid to the Swiss direct democracy influence on the development of the American socialists idea of the recall. The other model will be contextualized by focusing on the constitutional debate of the Germany around the late 19th and the early 20th century. The abuse of both procedures will be presented in two recent cases of tested recall procedures, California and Romania. Both leaded to similar results. The importance both in understanding the reference model and in providing detailed and strictly juridical regulations is highlighted to avoid the risk of abuses of these procedures by the concrete political actors.
Dual-use items, including software and technology, can be used for both civil and military purposes. Export control of such items is an important constituent part of security policies of exporter states. These measures are aimed at avoiding proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.1 The nature of dual-use goods intrigues imposition of control over exporting them to unfriendly countries or those ‘sensitive’ in terms of their ambiguous considerations of foreign policies.2 Some category of goods may be banned for export, whilst others are legitimate products that further technological development and strengthen international economic ties. The aim of the exporter states is to seek balance between safeguarding security objectives whilst not undermining competitiveness of local businesses. The paper explores the EU framework for regulating exports of dual-use goods as well as the EU participation in the international export controls regimes.
CEE states, following their accession into the European Union in 2004 and 2007, have been inundated with numerous lawsuits by foreign and, in many cases, European investors in front of international tribunals. Some of these cases involved state aid provided by member states to investors and when these state aid measures were revoked, based on decision of the European institutions, the aggrieved investors turned to both EU instances and international arbitrations. These EU decisions forced CEE states to take certain measures, often by curtailing contractual rights awarded by CEE states to international or Western European investors. The investors tried to invalidate the European Commissions’ decisions in front of the EU Court of First Instance/General Court and subsequently in the Court of Justice. When these initiatives failed, the facts of these cases were subsequently represented by many of these investors in international fora, such as the International Centre for Settlement Investment Disputes (ICSID), or arbitrations organised under the UNCITRAL rules.
Questions arise as to what will happen when a foreign investor sues a Member State or even the EU, given the new European Union (EU) competence over foreign direct investment (FDI) from the Lisbon Treaty, Articles 206–207 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). In particular, financial responsibility of the EU resulting from an investor-state arbitration is now becoming a politically sensitive topic, particularly regarding the on-going negotiations between EU and third countries for the conclusion of investmentrelated international agreements. While the EU bears, in principle, international responsibility for the breach of any provision to which it is bound under international law, it is possible, under EU law, to provide for the allocation of financial responsibility between the EU and its Member States. This paper analyses the recent EU Regulation on financial responsibility in investor-State arbitration, putting it in the broader framework of the creation of an EU investment policy and the on-going negotiations between the EU and third countries for the conclusion of investment-related international agreements.
The subject of this analysis is the axiology and purpose of the legal regimes of martial law in Poland in a comparative perspective. The starting point of the research is a study of the roots of institution. Analysis of the institutions of ancient Rome, revolutionary France, Germany, the US, and the Weimar Republic to the modern regulation of selected countries of the Western Hemisphere is submitted. The authors, in recognizing the existence of monarchical and republican models of martial law, indicate the fundamental difference between the objective of martial law in Europe and the US/Canada. The comparative analysis provides a framework for research on law and institutions in Poland and the basis for the formulation of demands de lege ferenda.
The concept of the autonomy of EU law has received, since its inception in the 1960s, remarkably little academic attention when compared to other basic EU law premises such as “primacy” or “direct effect”, particularly from the theoretical angle. However, “autonomy” is undisputedly a fundamental and structural principle of the EU legal order. Given the reflexive nature of the term “autonomy”, to be distinct from something and to be able to function separately, it presupposes one or more points of reference. If these are assumed in the form of legal orders, the autonomy of EU law can be basically conceived in two ways: vis-à-vis international law or the legal systems of Member States. The concept of autonomy is traditionally perceived with regard to international law (external dimension of autonomy) as leading judgments of the Court of Justice of the EU and many of its Opinions have further developed this doctrine. This short piece attempts to clarify the meaning of the external dimension of autonomy of EU law and discuss some of the associated challenges. In this context, the paper portrays the various legal techniques and substantive requirements for preserving the external autonomy of the EU legal order from international law.
This paper focuses on the electoral issues relating to modern international migration. The main topics of paper are the political electoral integration of immigrants in the Central European countries and also the opportunities for voting abroad. Voting from abroad is very important possibility for the citizens living abroad and for other expatriots. The Czech, Slovak and Polish political experience in this field is relatively long, but for Hungary it is new problem which has only existed for a couple of years. At present, all Central European countries allow their citizens living abroad to vote in parliamentary elections in some form or another, while some of them also permit voting in direct presidential elections. There are two models regarding to the political integration of immigrants: The more liberal model, which is typical for Hungary and Slovakia and more restrictive Czech and Polish model. Hungary and Slovakia permit the electoral participation on the local and regional level not only for the EU citizens living there, but for the third countries nationals too. The Czech Republic and Poland have opened their local electoral level only for the EU citizens.
The present piece of writing analyses whether the “nuclear bomb” metaphor can be applied to Article 7 TEU. The theoretical framework applied belongs to the field of law and economics of criminal law. It will be presented a possible typology of international organisations which might explain the different measure of influence of different international bodies on the national legal orders. Besides the importance of reputation the study states that solely the mere sanctioning power of an international organ is insufficient in achieving significant results, however, if the sanctioning power goes together with a high probability of the application of the sanctions, the bigger consideration will be provided to the opinions or standards of the respective body. This hypothesis will be presented through the Fundamental Law of Hungary and its fifth amendment.
Public administration in Slovakia since 1990 has under constant change and is related to the ongoing transitions and unstable political environment after the fall of the former regime. Political, professional intervention and interference, an absence of long-term vision in public administration, has resulted in chaos and despite the advice of experts created a constant cycle of problems from which other transforming countries should learn from. After more than 25 years of transformation Slovakia can boast about partial successes even in public administration. It has not only become a memento of mistakes but also an example of successful implementations of reforms, particularly in the area of decentralization of public administration.