PROGNOSTICATION IN CHINESE BUDDHIST HISTORICAL TEXTS THE G Ā OS Ē NG ZHUÀN AND THE XÙ G Ā OS Ē NG ZHUÀN

This paper explores topics and techniques of prognostication as recorded in medieval Buddhist historical literature, with an emphasis on the G ā os ē ng zhuàn 高僧傳 (GSZ) and Xù g ā os ē ng zhuàn 續高僧傳 (XGSZ). The paper first provides a short survey of how prognostication is treated in Chinese Buddhist translated texts. In these ‘canonical’ sources there is clear ambiguity over the use of supernatural powers: on the one hand, such practices are criticised as non-Buddhist or even heterodox; on the other, narratives on Śākyamuni’s former and present lives as well as accounts of other buddhas, bodhisattvas, and the Buddha’s disciples abound with descriptions of their special abilities, including knowledge of the future. In contrast, the GSZ and XGSZ display a clear standpoint concerning mantic practices and include them as integral aspects of monastics’ lives. The two texts articulate that the ability to predict the future and other supernatural powers are natural by-products of spiritual progress in the Buddhist context. This paper discusses the incorporation of various aspects of the Indian and Chinese traditions in monastics’ biographies, and investigates the inclusion of revelations of future events (for example, in dreams) and mantic techniques in these texts. In addition, it traces parallels to developments in non-Buddhist literature and outlines some significant differences between the GSZ and the XGSZ.


Introduction
In recent years, prognostication in China has become a subject of increased Western scholarly interest, resulting in several important publications. 1 However, whereas previous research has focused primarily on traditional Chinese divination methods, in this paper we will investigate practices described in two of the most important compilations of medieval Buddhist biographies: the Gāosēng zhuàn 高僧傳 ('Records of eminent monks'; hereafter GSZ), 2 compiled by Huìjiǎo 慧皎 (497-554) during the Liáng 梁 Dynasty (502-557); and its successor work, the Xù gāosēng zhuàn 續高僧 傳 ('Continued records of eminent monks'; hereafter XGSZ), 3 compiled by the famous Táng monk and Vinaya specialist Dàoxuān 道宣 (596-667). Together, these two texts contain hagiographies of eminent monks who lived between the end of the Hàn 漢 Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) and the beginning of the , and as such they constitute the most important sources of biographical information on Buddhist monastics of the period. This paper will investigate the various methods of prognostication that are recorded in these works and explore how they were incorporated into the monks' biographical entries. Mantic techniques were of great significance in the cultural repertoires of both ancient India and ancient China, and the compilers 4 of Buddhist biographies were familiar with both the canonical Buddhist texts (i.e. Buddhist texts translated or compiled based on Indic language material) and the Chinese methods of appear in accounts of the Buddha's practices during previous lives (i.e. the 'relative past'). As such, many of them are verified during the sermon, for instance, by identifying the protagonists in the narrative with the disciples who are currently listening to the Buddha.
With respect to the spread of Śākyamuni's teaching, the Dàoxíng bōrě jīng 道行般若經 (Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā sūtra; T8, no224) states: After the passing away of the Tathāgata, this prajñāpāramitā ('perfection of wisdom') will exist in southern India; after having been studied there, it will be transmitted from southern India to western India; after having been studied there, it will be transmitted from western India to northern India.

怛薩阿竭去後，是般若波羅蜜當在南天竺，其有學已，從南天竺 當轉至西天竺，其有學已，當從西天竺轉至到北天竺。
(CBETA: T8, no224, p446a29-b3) Similarly, the arrival of the bodhisattva Nāgārjuna is predicted in the Laṅkāvatāra sūtra: After the Tathāgata has been extinct, there will be a person in the future. Mahāmati, listen carefully, a person will maintain my teaching. In a great southern country, 8 there is a monk of great virtue by the name of Nāgārjuna Bodhisattva, and he will be able to destroy the [false] views about existence and non-existence.

Techniques and Agents of Prognostication in Texts of Indic Origin
A survey of translations of Indic sources reveals that predictions played an important role in Buddhist narratives. Several techniques can be distinguished, including prophecies based on physical features (i.e. physiognomising, such as the interpretation of the thirty-two marks of a great man), people's names (xiàng míng 相名), 9 the interpretation of dreams (zhàn mèng 占夢)-most notably Māya's dream of a white elephantand the study of stars and planets. In the following example, taken from the Míshāsāibù héxì wǔfēnlǜ 彌沙塞部和醯五分律, 10 the diviner is a Brahmin who interprets astral constellations: 18 Nán dàguó 南大國 is synonymous with Nán Zhūguó 南竺國 (Skr. dakṣiṇā patha), i.e. southern India (see Hirakawa 1997: 220). 19 For example, the Shísòng lǜ 十誦律 (Daśa-bhāṇavāra-vinaya), a Vinaya text of the Sarvâstivāda School, has the following passage: '[As for] the Brahmins' method of interpreting fetures, if a name is auspicious, then there will be good fortune (lit. "delight")' (婆羅門相法，名吉則喜; CBETA, T23, no1435, p99c14). 10 T22, no1421; Skr. Mahīśāsaka-vinaya. PROGNOSTICATION Acta Orient. Hung. 73, 2020 At that time there was a [Brahmin] fortune-teller who told King Bimbisāra: 'Soon there will (dāng 當) be an inauspicious star appearing; Your Majesty should bathe in the water of a certain spring in order to be spared from 11 disaster. If Your Majesty does not do so, then this will result in either the loss of your country or mourning over Your Majesty's life [i.e. the king's death].' 時有相師，語瓶沙王言:『尋當有一不吉星出，王應在某泉水中 浴，以穰其災。若不爾者，或致失國，或憂身命！』 (CBETA: T22, no1421, p66a04-06) Generally, in the accounts in translated sources, the prophecies/prognostications are provided either by a buddha (usually when predicting the future buddhahood of others) or by a member of the highest caste (i.e. a Brahmin). In the Zhŏng dé jīng 種德 經 (contained within the Cháng āhán jīng 長阿含經), during a conversation with Śākyamuni, a Brahmin suggests that one of the caste's key characteristics is an ability to foretell the future: As for the five attributes achieved by our Brahmins, what we say is of utmost honesty, without any falseness. What are those five [attributes]? Firstly, our parents of the seven preceding generations were all 'genuine' [zhēnzhèng 真正; i.e. members of the Brahmin caste], and were not slandered by other people; secondly, we can recite and are well versed in the Vedic teachings 12 in three parts, and we can fully discern [i.e. explain in detail] the classical scriptures, and we have deep insight in the subtleties of worldly [i.e. non-Vedic] classics; furthermore, we excel in the method of prognosticating the features a great person, and clearly investigate auspicious and inauspicious features, sacrifices, and rituals; thirdly, our facial attributes are handsome [symmetrical]; fourthly, our observation of the prohibitions is fully sufficient [i.e. perfected]; fifthly, our wisdom is penetrating. These are the five [attributes]. 11 The use of ráng 穰 is interesting here. The original meaning is 'stalks of grain' and, by extension, 'abundant; prosperous'. As such, the word refers to something 'auspicious'. Here, it seems to indicate that the 'disaster' (zāi 災) is neutralised (by something auspicious). However, we suspect that 穰 should be read as răng 攘, referring to apotropaic methods of averting disaster by utilising the influence of heavenly bodies. See e.g. the Táng Dynasty Qīyào rǎngzāi jué 七曜攘 災決 (Secrets of seven-planet apotropaism), a Buddhist astrological manual comprising Chinese, Indian, Iranian, Sogdian, and Near Eastern elements that was used to interpret the effects of the nakṣatra (mìngsù 命宿; i.e. the stellar constellation at the time of one's birth). See Jeffrey Kotyk and Iain Sinclair's detailed analysis of this text in DDB: http://www.buddhism-dict.net/cgi-bin/ xpr-ddb.pl?q=%E4%B8%83%E6%9B%9C%E6%94%98%E7%81%BD%E6%B1%BA. The Qīyào rǎngzāi jué also prescribes certain actions that should be performed to counter inauspicious effects. 12 In Buddhist texts, yìxué 異學 often refers to unspecified 'non-Buddhist teachings'. However, here it specifically refers to the Brahmins' Vedic scriptures. The expression sānbù jiùdiǎn 三部舊典is used in a parallel passage in the Cháng āhán jīng (CBETA: T1, no1, p82a) in reference to the 'ancient classics in three parts' (i.e. the corpus of Vedic scriptures). Buddhist texts occasionally juxtapose Brahmin prognostications with those of the Buddha, with the former's erroneous predictions invariably trumped by the latter's correct prophecies. 13 Moreover, there are accounts of unethical Brahmins using predictions in order to swindle the gullible. 14 In addition to the Buddha's ability to foretell buddhahood and other accomplishments, some of his disciples are similarly credited with a capacity to predict the future. For instance, they might employ the 'divine eye' (tiānyăn 天眼) they have attained due to their spiritual progress to determine the whereabouts or fate of certain people: With the power of their divine eyes they surveyed the sentient beings, their passing away here and being [re]born there, their being born here from there, the span of their lives, whether their facial appearance is beautiful or ugly, the receiving of retribution based on their deeds, good and bad rebirth destinations, they have knowledge of all this.

Some Notes on Terminology
Despite the critical evaluation of prognostication practices in many Buddhist texts (see below), Chinese translated Buddhist literature includes numerous references to predicting the future as well as interpreting bodily features (xiàng 相), natural phenomena, and so on. One important term is shòujì 授記 (lit. 'to bestow a record'; i.e. a 'guarantee' of future enlightenment and attainment of buddhahood; rendering Skr. vyākaraṇa), 15 which often appears in translated Buddhist literature-including āgama 13 See e.g. the Guówáng bù lí xiān ní shí mèng jīng 國王不黎先泥十夢經, as quoted in the Fǎyuàn zhūlín's 法苑珠林 chapter on dreams (T53, no2122, p535a -c).
14 For an example from the jātakas, see the discussion in Ohnuma 2017: 73. 15 There are also several phonetic renderings into Chinese of this term. These guarantees of future attainment are so important that they constitute one of the sections in the traditional twelvefold division of the Buddhist canon (shí-èr bù jīng 十二部經). literature 16 -usually in reference to predictions of future buddhahood or some other prospective accomplishment. Another term, xuánjì 懸記, 17 is more difficult to define. It is sometimes used specifically in reference to the Buddha's predictions of future events, but it tends to appear only in Buddhist texts composed in China-as opposed to translated literature-and also has the more general meaning of 'to prophesy'. Several other terms that appear in the canonical scriptures are explained below.

Criticism of Prognostication Techniques in the Buddhist Canon
The Buddhist canonical texts are highly critical of Brahmin prognostication and divination practices. 18 In Buddhist philosophy, the emphasis is on phenomena arising due to primary and secondary causes. Moreover, crucially, the future is dependent on one's actions in the present. So, the assumption of a determined course of events projected into the future is by default problematic. 19 This may be one of the reasons why 'traditional' prognostication techniques are routinely condemned and associated with non-Buddhists (i.e. Brahmins). For example, the following passage from the Fó kāijiĕ fànzhì Ābá jīng 佛開解梵志阿颰經 (Sūtra on Buddha's enlightening of the Brahmin Ambaṭṭha), 20 contained in the āgamas, denounces various prognostication practices: [Śrāmaṇeras] should not study physiognomising [xiàng 相; i.e. prognostication based on bodily/physical features] concerning [the birth of] sons or daughters, becoming poor or rich, esteemed or humble; or whether 16 For example, the Zēngyī āhán jīng 增一阿含經 contains an account of the past Buddha Dìngguāng informing the Brahmin Chāoshù 超術 that he will be reborn as Śākyamuni Buddha. (On this Brahmin, see CBETA, T2, no125, p597c18ff.) Similarly, the Janeśa-sūtra (Shéníshā jīng 闍尼 沙經), which forms part of the Dīrghāgama (Cháng āhán jīng), includes a passage in which the Buddha predicts that Chancellor Qiéqiéluó 伽伽羅 (Skr. *Gagara?) and twelve others will ascend to a heavenly realm after their deaths. Elsewhere in the same text, he announces that fifty people will attain the stage of sakṛd-āgāmin (sītuóhán 斯陀含; 'once-returner') after their deaths, while another five hundred will attain the level of srotâpanna (xūtuóhuán 須陀洹; 'stream-enterer'). Such examples are commonplace. 17 There are various ways to interpret the semantics of xuán (lit. 'suspend') in this term. It can mean 'far away', and as such may refer to an event in the distant future; alternatively, it may mean 'publicly announce' (i.e. proclaim future buddhahood). 18 For a thorough study of key passages in the Buddhist canon (with an emphasis on the Vinaya literature), see Guggenmos 2018. 19 However, as Kotyk 2018 has recently noted, astrological determinism is an integral part of Buddhism. Buddhists in India, with few exceptions, believed that time was conditioned by astrological circumstances, and that future developments could be forecast through astrology, in contrast to the assumption that Buddhists ought to believe in a chain of causality based on the theory of karma.
20 This text (parallel to the Pāli Ambaṭṭha sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya) was supposedly translated by Zhī Qiān 支謙 in the first half of the 3rd century and is thought to reflect early Buddhist thought. However, this attribution is far from certain. For instance, Nattier 2008 does not include the text among the earliest Chinese Buddhist translations. Liùchù 六畜 is a traditional Chinese term for domestic animals (sometimes specifically for horses, cows, goats, pigs, dogs, and chickens). It is often contrasted to the 'six kinds of beasts' or the 'six kinds of birds' (cf. Zhōulĭ 周禮: 庖人掌共六畜、六獸、六禽，辨其名物; Shísān jīng zhùshū: 661). Because of the significance of domestic animals, it was important to predict their 'futures' on the basis of their physical characteristics. The Hànshū 漢書 (Chapter Yì wén zhì 藝文 志, p1775) mentions a text with the title Xiàng liùchù 相六畜 (Physiognomising the Six Domestic Animals) in thirty-eight fascicles (see Raphals 2008-2009. There seems to be no corresponding term in an Indic language, and the translator Zhīqiān 支謙 used an expression with which his Chinese readership would be familiar. Although the term itself is drawn from the Chinese cultural sphere, the technique of prognosticating the futures of animals is also attested in translated literature. For example, the Gēnběn shuō yīqiè yǒubù pínàiyé 根本說一切有部毘奈耶 (Mūla-sarvâstivāda-vinaya-vibhaṅga) mentions several types of prognostication in a narrative on the abilities of a young boy: 'As for the eight kinds of techniques, he excelled in physiognomising the following: treasures, garments, residences, cows, elephants, horses, men and women' (於八種術善能占相： 所謂相寶、相衣、相宅、相牛、相象、相馬、相男、相女; CBETA: T23, no1442, p629a9 -10; emphasis added). However, there is no concrete description of these techniques, and we do not know if they were similar to those practised in China. 22 Thus, śrāmaṇeras should not engage in practices that are associated with Brahmins. The fact that astrology was related to the Brahmins may also be deduced from the titles of the following (no longer extant) works listed in the Suíshū 隋書 ( When they prognosticate on the features of Heaven, some say it will rain, some say it will not. Some say that the grain will be expensive, some say it will be cheap. Some claim there will be many sicknesses, some say there will be few. Some say there will be dreadfulness, some say there will be peace. Some state that the earth will shake, some say comets will appear. Some say there will be an eclipse of the moon, some state there will not be. Some say there will be an eclipse of the sun, some state there will not be. Some claim there will be an eclipse of a star, some say there will not be. Some state that the eclipse of the moon is 23 Zhàn xiàng 瞻相 is usually written as 占相. The term zhàn xiàng, which occurs frequently in Buddhist texts, refers to prognostication based on the features of people, things, or natural phenomena. It is often encountered in narratives relating to the newborn Śākyamuni, whose marks of a great man are inspected and interpreted. On the practice of physiognomy, see Despeux 2003. 24 Based on the passage in another text, this is probably a reference to 'books on astrology' (tiānwén shū 天文書, mentioned in the Cháng āhán jīng; CBETA: T1, no1, p84c3). Thus, our text is likely corrupted here. 25 A similar passage from the Ambaṭṭa Sutta (T1, no1, p84b15 -c13) is translated as: 'Oder sie rezitieren Bücher zur Unterscheidung von Leben und Sterben, sie lesen Bücher über Träume, sie lesen aus der Hand. Sie lesen Bücher über Astrologie oder über alle Laute' (Meisig 1987: 253). See also Guggenmos 2018: 194. YANG GANG AND CHRISTOPH ANDERL Acta Orient. Hung. 73, 2020 a such-and-such good response, some say it is a such-and-such bad response. As for [the interpretations of] the eclipses of the sun and the stars, they are also as such. [ In addition, the Mahāparinirvāṇa sūtra (Dà bānniépán jīng 大般涅槃經) states that engaging in various kinds of prognostication might engender societal criticism. Therefore, 'a bodhisattva mahāsattva should put an end to the world's criticism of the prohibitions' (菩薩摩訶薩息世譏嫌戒; CBETA: T12, no374, p433a20) and monastics should avoid all mantic practices. This text also provides a detailed list of (heterodox) prognostication techniques (終不瞻相手、足、面目，不以爪鏡、芝草、 楊枝、鉢盂、髑髏而作卜筮; CBETA: T12, no374, p433a14-15). Several of these techniques are mentioned in a passage on the forty-eight minor prohibitions in the Fànwǎng jīng 梵網經: [As for the methods of using] the 'fingernail-mirror', milfoil grass, branches of the willow, bowls, and skulls for prognosticating, one should not employ any of them; […] if one employs them, then one commits a minor offence. Divination by milfoil grass (Achillea millefolium; in other sources zhīcǎo 芝草, Zoysia pungens) seemed to involve casting a spell or incantation on the plant, then providing a prediction on the basis of that.
Indian monastics used branches of the willow (yáng 楊) to cleanse the mouth and the body. In a commentary on the Brahmajāla sūtra, the Fànwăng púsà jiè jīng yìshū fā yĭn 梵網菩薩戒經義疏發隱 (CBETA: X38, no679), this practice is explained as follows: a priest casts a spell over a willow or camphor branch and thereby invokes the plant's spirit. Another commentary, the Fànwăng púsà jiè zhù 梵網菩薩戒注 (CBETA: X38, no691), provides a more detailed explanation: a figure in the shape of a person is carved from a piece of willow or camphor, a spell is cast on the branch, and this summons a spirit who has the power to predict a person's or an undertaking's future prospects. Yet another account appears in a work by the Qīng Dynasty scholar Yuán Dòng 袁棟, the Shū yĭn cóng shuō 書隱叢説 (Xù xiū sìkù quánshū, Vol. 1137, p. 574): a miniature model of a person is carved from the wood of one of the aforementioned trees and a spell is cast that causes a gifted and intelligent child to die. The child's soul is then captured within the carved piece of wood and urged to make prognostications. 28 26 For a comprehensive discussion of the various mantic practices and their classification in the Buddhist canon, as well as possible parallels in Pāli literature, see Guggenmos 2018. For a discussion on Vinaya monks and astral practices, see Kotyk 2017b. 27 The technique is also referenced in the Bǐqiūní zhuàn 比丘尼傳 (T50, no2063, p935a7 -25), specifically in the biography of the nun Ān Lìngshǒu 安令首: 'Chong [the nun's father] consulted Buddhatunga about the matter. Buddhatunga said to him, "Go back home and keep a pure fast for three days, and then come again". Chong obeyed him. Buddhatunga mixed some red paste with sesame oil, rubbed it into the palm of Chong's right hand, and asked him to look at it. He saw a Buddhist monk with features resembling his daughter's preaching the Dharma to a great assembly. He described this to Buddhatunga, who said, "That was your daughter's previous incarnation: she was a monk working for the benefit of others. Such was her former life. If you comply with her wish, she will bring glory and exaltation to all the six relations of your family and make you rich and noble; and she may reach the other shore across the great sea of the suffering of rebirth" ' (Li and Dalia 2006: 74). 28 There are also occasional references to the use of willow branches in divination in works of Esoteric Buddhism (cf. Tuóluóní jí jīng 陀羅尼集經; CBETA: T18, no901, p888a8 -12). 12 YANG GANG AND CHRISTOPH ANDERL Acta Orient. Hung. 73, 2020 The use of alms bowls (bōyú 鉢盂) in divination is also considered a 'Western' practice. It involved casting a spell that enabled the diviner to foretell the future simply by looking into their bowl. The Fànwăng púsà jiè jīng shūzhù states: [As for the] the alms bowl, non-Buddhists of the Western countries apply a spell (zhòu 呪) to all kinds of utensils, letting people prognosticate auspicious and inauspicious [events] in them; here, the alms bowl is mentioned and this is such a utensil. In this region [i.e. China] one can also apply a spell to a cup/bowl (wăn 碗) in order to prognosticate; all [vessels] are like this [i.e. potentially have this function].

鉢盂，西土外道呪一切器物令人於中卜吉凶，此以鉢盂為言，即 器也。此方亦有呪水椀以卜者，皆此類。
(CBETA: X38, no678, p118b22-24) Finally, the Buddhist scriptures mention two methods of extracting information from skulls. The first technique-which was associated with India-involved tapping the skull and making predictions based on the sound. 29 By contrast, the second method was rooted in traditional Chinese practices: 'One takes the skull of a recently deceased person and ceremoniously casts a spell on it; then one is able to listen to the skull and report disasters and fortunate events' (取新亡髑髏祭鍊禁呪，能從人耳報 災祥也; Fànwăng púsà jiè jīng yìshū fā yĭn 梵網菩薩戒經義疏發隱; CBETA: X38, no679, p202a9-10). It seems that the soul or spirit of the deceased person played some sort of role here. 30 Based on this short survey of prognostication in Chinese Buddhist translated literature, we may conclude that many divination techniques and topics (such as predicting an ordinary person's fate or a ruler's future prospects) were regarded as heterodox and attributed to non-Buddhists (especially Brahmins), whereas prognostication performed by Buddhists usually focused on religious subjects, especially a person's prospective enlightenment and buddhahood. In general, mantic practices that were unrelated to Buddhist topics were criticised and often defined as heterodox.

Predictions in the GSZ and XGSZ
We will now investigate the presentation of topics and methods of prognostication in two highly influential historical works-the GSZ and XGSZ-which had a significant impact on how the ideal qualities of eminent monks were defined in the Chinese context. In contrast to the translated Buddhist literature discussed above, these texts display an unambiguous attitude towards mantic practices, leaving the reader in no doubt that mastery of prognostication and other supernatural powers are essential characteristics of eminent monks. These powers are rarely mediated by a spirit or a divination/mantic specialist; rather, they are directly communicated by the monastic himself. (Occasionally, information about a future event is revealed first in a dream, 31 either explicitly or encoded in a 'riddle'.) Hence, the monk gains knowledge of future events and attains supernatural powers (shéntōng 神通) through arduous Buddhist practice. The process that leads to the attainment of these special powers sometimes forms part of the narrative, so the reader is told both why and how a particular monastic gained his supernatural prowess. For instance, the entry on Sēnghuì 僧慧 (408 -486/487) reads as follows: At that time there was furthermore Huìyuǎn 慧遠 from the Chángshā Monastery of Jiānglíng. He was the attendant of the monk Huìyìn 慧印 there. When [Huì]yìn saw that he [i.e. Huìyuăn] had faith, he urged him to renounce [his] home. [Huìyuăn] then made an effort in the practice of pratyutpanna, 32 and after years of austerity, he then acquired supernatural powers, 33 and was able to duplicate his body when he accepted invitations [i.e. he could be at two locations at the same time], and he predicted periods of flourishing or decline, among other things.

時江陵長沙寺，又有釋慧遠者。本沙門慧印之蒼頭也。印見其有 信，因為出家。仍行般舟之業，數歲勤苦，遂有神異，能分身赴 請，及預記興亡等。
(GSZ, p393c17-20; emphasis added) Another example is the biography of Buddhabhadra, 34 who reportedly travelled by ship to China. At the start of his voyage, he correctly predicted a change in the direction of the wind, an encounter with pirates, and other ominous events. This foreknowledge is attributed to the fact that he was a 'non-returner' (Skr. ānāgamin), so he had been endowed (jùzú 具足) with the gift of premonition. 35 Taking this into account, how does one explain the special powers of monks who were not especially virtuous or even broke the precepts? One such monk was Bǎozhì 保誌 (418-514) who 'did not settle at any specific place, ate at improper times, and had hair several inches long' (居止無定，飲食無時，髮長數寸; GSZ, 31 Of course, prognostication based on dreams is a cross-cultural phenomenon (see Stevens 1997). This also plays an important role in the GSZ and XGSZ. Even more significantly, in these sources, future events are often explicitly revealed in dreams and so do not necessarily need reinterpretation. For a detailed discussion of monastic dream interpretation in the GSZ and XGSZ (with a specific focus on hermeneutics), see Jensen 2018: 119 -123. 32 This probably refers to the practice of reaching pánzhōu sānmèi 般舟三昧, a contemplation in which one visualises being together with the present Buddha (pánzhōu means 'present'). 33 Shényì 神異 (lit. 'divine anomaly'). 34 Fótuóbátuóluó 佛馱跋陀羅 (358/359 -429), a famous translator as well as a Vinaya and meditation master. 35 See, e.g. the Chánmì yàofă jīng 禪祕要法經: 'When one successively cultivates and attains the four fruits of a śrāmaṇera, "three insights" and the "six supernatural powers" will all be provided' (次第修得四沙門果，三明、六通皆悉具足; CBETA: T15, no613, p244a29). p394a18). As such, he fell far short of the monastic ideal. 36 Nevertheless, he was able to predict the future. The GSZ attempts to resolve this apparent paradox by stating that he gained this ability through vigorous practice in previous lives. So, despite his unorthodox behaviour during his current lifetime, he displayed great confidence at the time of his death, announcing: 'I, the bodhisattva, am about to leave' (菩薩將去; GSZ, p394c22)! He is also said to 'have exposed his true form [to his disciples], with a glow like the one of bodhisattva statues' (為其現真形，光相如菩薩像焉; GSZ, p394c19). Hence, he revealed his true nature to his followers based on his previous achievements.
Although this 'self-power' based on strict adherence to Buddhist practice is the most important factor in the acquisition of prognostication (and other supernatural gifts), the GSZ and XGSZ sometimes credit other agents, such as ghosts, mediums, and deities, with similar abilities. In addition, predictions are often accompanied by other unusual and supernatural occurrences. 37

Predictions relating to the Lives of Eminent Monks
Important events in monks' lives are the most prominent topic of prognostication in the GSZ and XGSZ. These texts contain numerous predictions relating to individual monks' gestation, birth, death, and rebirth, in addition to narratives concerning key achievements in their lives, spiritual attainment, and enlightenment.

Gestation and Birth
The narratives concerning the conception and birth of Śākyamuni are elaborately described in the Buddhist literature in order to show that he was a superior being from the very beginning. They include his mother's dream of a white elephant, his entry into the womb, his birth from his mother's side, and other stories. Likewise, the Chinese Buddhist biographies of eminent monks abound with descriptions of unusual events that either preceded or coincided with their birth.
Specific elements of Chinese culture are also sometimes woven into the dreams, such as in the dream of the mother of Tándì 曇諦 (347-411). She meets a monk who 'entrusted her with a fly-whisk and two iron-engraved paperweights' (寄一麈尾并鐵鏤書鎮二枚; GSZ, p370c26-27). A fly-whisk is also mentioned in Zhìwén's 智文 mother's dream: 'An Indian monk took a branch from a pine tree and gave it to her, saying, "If you thereafter give birth to a boy, bestow a fly-whisk on him"' (梵僧把松枝而授，曰：『尒後誕男，與為麈尾』; XGSZ, p609b8-9). The zhǔwěi 麈尾 ('fly-whisk') featured prominently in qīngtán 清談 ('pure talk') debates at the imperial court during the Six Dynasties period. 41 Zhìzàng's 智藏 (458-522) mother dreamed that 'meteors fell on the ground, she grabbed and swallowed the debris; because of this, she fell pregnant and gave birth to [Zhì]zàng; at a young age, he was already very bright' (眾星墜地取而 吞之，因而有娠焉，及生藏也，少而聰敏; GSZ, p465c11-12). Meanwhile, the mother of Cízàng 慈藏 (?-?) dreamed of 'a star falling down and entering her, and because of that she became pregnant' (星墜入懷，因即有娠; XGSZ, p639a16). 42 Other signs-such as changes in the mother's mental or physical dispositioncould also predict the birth of an eminent monk. For example, during her pregnancy with the famous translator Kumārajīva (344-413), his mother reportedly had 'extraordinary realisations' 43 (自覺神悟超解，有倍常日; GSZ, p330a19). Similarly, when 39 This monastery (now Bàoēn-sì 報恩寺) is situated in present-day Sūzhōu City, Jiāngsū Province. Its history can be traced back to the Three Kingdoms period, when it was established by Emperor Sūnquán 孫權 of the Kingdom of Wú 吳 in honour of his wet nurse (see Jiājìng Wúyì zhì 嘉靖吳邑志 16, in Tiānyī gé cáng Míng-dài fāngzhì xuǎnkān xùbiān: 1153). 40 This refers to a sign in the form of a wheel or a circle that was placed on top of a pagoda. A wheel sign on the feet of a cakravartin was also one of the marks of a great man. See Jensen 2018: 197 -201. 41 When answering a question, a debater would raise his fly-whisk. When unable to answer, or to admit defeat, he would lower his whisk (see Assandri 2009: 25). Before long, the implement also started to feature in Buddhist rituals. By the end of the Táng, it signified the power of Chán masters, who would brandish fly-whisks when addressing the assembly or teaching students. On the sexual imagery of Zhìwén's mother's dream and its thematic relationship with other conception dreams in the GSZ and the XGSZ, see Jensen 2018: 197 -201. 42 Secular Chinese historical texts also address the topic of astral bodies causing pregnancy. For instance, see Shĭjì 史記, fasc. 49 (p1975), which records that the mother of Emperor Wŭ of Hàn (漢武帝) dreamed that the sun entered her and thereafter she gave birth to her son. For the significance of this astral imagery in the GSZ and the XGSZ, see Jensen 2018: 186 -193. For additional examples from roughly the same historical period, see Lippiello 2001. For a later discussion of this oneiric imagery in Chinese historical texts, see Strassberg 2008: 108 -114. 43 The motif of psychological change in the mind of the mother probably originated in an account of the birth of Śākyamuni's famous disciple Śāriputra. The Dà zhìdù lùn 大智度論 (Mahā-YANG GANG AND CHRISTOPH ANDERL Acta Orient. Hung. 73, 2020 Fǎláng 法朗 (507-581) dwelled in his mother's womb, her 'four limbs felt "light and unreal", different from regular days, and because of that she abstained from the various flavours of the five pungent roots' (四體輕虛，有異恒日，五辛雜味，因此悉 斷; XGSZ, p477b5-6). The theme of abstaining from the five pungent roots (wǔxīn 五辛) 44 during pregnancy is also found in the biographies of Huìbì 慧壁, Língruì, Huìjìn 慧璡 (401-485), and Kōngzàng 空藏.
Supernatural phenomena during and after birth often indicate the arrival of an extraordinary person. For instance, 'clouds and vapours filled the room' (見雲氣滿 室; XGSZ, p463c14-15) at the moment of Făyún's 法雲 (467-529) birth. Similarly, the entry on Zhìtuō 智脫 (541-607) relates: 'In the beginning, on the evening of his birth, a divine light radiated through the room, and during a period of ten days, a driedup spring gushed forth by itself' (初誕之夕，神光照室，旬日之間，枯泉自涌; XGSZ, p498c3-4). The XGSZ offers an explanation of such phenomena in the following story: His mother, Ms. Zhāng, on the first day of her pregnancy, ascended the pagoda of the Tōngxuán Monastery in a dream, and in the distance she saw emptiness approaching (yuǎn shì lín xū 遠視臨虛). However, she never showed any expression of fear. The superior omens (shèng zhào 勝兆) of attaining the way and transcending life are the supreme mysterious features of a teacher of men.
45 See Jensen 2018: 119 -123 on the distinction between dream interpretation and dream exhortation in the GSZ and the XGSZ. See also the discussion on early medieval Chinese omens and omenology in Lippiello 2001: 25 -79.

Supernatural Phenomena relating to Death
In Buddhist hagiographical sources, eminent monks are frequently portrayed as being in complete control of the time and circumstances of their death. They are rarely caught by surprise and often announce their passing well ahead of time. This is well illustrated in the GSZ's biography of Dàolì 道立 (? -?): Later, he followed [Dào]ān and entered the Pass, and lived concealed on Mt. Fùzhōu, 46 dwelling in solitude on a mountain peak of Mt. Fùzhōu, not receiving any offerings. Whenever he was immersed in contemplation and entered meditation, he would not arise for an entire period of seven days; and he had already practised that for several years. Later, in the beginning of summer, he suddenly left the mountain and gathered (jiūjí 鳩集) an assembly of monks to lecture them personally on the Great Chapter [i.e. Mahāprajñāpāramitā sūtra]. When someone enquired about the reason for this, he answered: 'It is possible for me to stay until autumn arrives, and I wish to eliminate the unrefined [i.e. impurities] that I [still] harbour.' Several days after he had performed a repentance ritual (zìzì 自恣), 47 he finally passed away without sickness. The people of his time referred to him as somebody who knew his fate [destiny].

後隨安入關，隱覆舟山，巖居獨處，不受供養。每潛思入禪，輒 七日不起，如此者數矣。後夏初忽出山，鳩集眾僧，自為講大 品。或問其故，答云：『我止可至秋，為欲令所懷粗訖耳。』自 恣後數日，果無疾而終。時人謂知命者矣。
(GSZ, p356b20-24; emphasis added) According to this passage, Dàolì had foreknowledge of his impending death (as is indicated by the term zhī mìng 知命 in this context) and therefore left the mountain to address unfinished business. In addition to eminent monks' prior knowledge of the exact moment of their passing, there are countless references to supernatural phenomena at the time of death. This theme appears frequently in the GSZ and XGSZ, with death signalled by unusual odours (yì xiāng 異香) filling the room, unusual sounds, bright lights or colour changes, strange behaviour among animals, earthquakes, strong winds, the sudden disintegration of an item (e.g. a monk's bowl, a carriage axle, a tree branch, a flagpole, etc.), meteor showers, dry rivers and ponds, and so on. Furthermore, the impending death is often foretold in dreams in which Indian monks, Buddhist assemblies, Buddhist statues, or heavenly creatures or deities either welcome the dying monk 46 Several mountains in China share the name Fùzhōu-shān 覆舟山. However, in this instance, this may be an error. The mountain in question is more likely to be Fùchē-shān 覆車山, which is situated approximately 30 lĭ southeast of Lántián in modern-day Xī'ān City (see Lèi biān Cháng'ān zhì: 166). 47 Repentance rituals were usually performed after the end of the summer retreat.

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Acta Orient. Hung. 73, 2020 or lead him to a Pure Land. Several of these phenomena frequently occur simultaneously to indicate the monk's passing. his devotees that he had visited Tuṣita Heaven and encountered the famous Dharma master Huìyuăn 慧遠 (334-416), who had informed him that he was destined to be reborn there, too. However, Línggàn had declined Huìyuăn's 'offer', because his main focus of devotion and study was the Avataṃsaka sūtra, so he wished to be reborn in the Lotus Treasure World (liánhuá zàng shìjiè 蓮華藏世界-the Pure Land that is described in this sūtra). Later, he lost consciousness again and saw himself sitting on a wheel-shaped flower that was floating on water. On the basis of this auspicious omen, the original prediction of rebirth in Tuṣita Heaven was 'corrected' to the Lotus Treasure World (XGSZ, p518b14-c27). 52

Achievements in a Monk's Life
In addition to prophecies relating to the birth or death of eminent monks, the GSZ and XGSZ both contain predictions of monastics' spiritual accomplishments, such as enlightenment, and other personal achievements. For example, the biography of Dàohéng 道恒 (346-417), a disciple of the famous translator Kumārajīva, includes the following forecast: Dàohéng was a person from Lántián. At the age of nine, he was playing on the road when the hermit Zhāngzhōng saw him and said: 'This young boy has the features of an extraordinary person (chūrén 出人); 53 if he remains in worldly life, he will certainly have the achievement of assisting the task of the government; if he resorts to the Way, he will certainly have the ability to reveal the Buddha-dharma. I regret that I am already old and will not be able to witness this.' power or become an enlightened saint. It is also significant because it involves a 'non-Buddhist' medium-the hermit Zhāngzhōng (隱士張忠), who was a Daoist practitioner of considerable renown. 55 Non-Buddhist mediums and physiognomists appear several times in the GSZ and XGSZ, although their prognostications sometimes prove incorrect and have to be revised. It seems that the compilers of the Buddhist historical works used this device to underline the superiority of Buddhist prognostication over non-Buddhist/Daoist fortune-telling. 56 Bǎoqióng's 寶瓊 (504-584) outstanding monastic career is predicted when he is still a young monk: In the beginning, when [Bǎo]qióng entered the capital, he was about to approach the Dharma-seat [i.e. the place where monks gather to practise], but since nobody recognised him, he was not allowed to dwell in the monks' quarters. As we have seen, it was assumed that famous monastics had foreknowledge of the time and circumstances of their own death. In addition, the GSZ and XGSZ contain several accounts of monks trying to exert control over their future destination of rebirth. Moreover, predictions relating to those destinations could be modified in order to correlate more closely with a monk's religious achievements and preferences during his lifetime.

Enlightenment and Spiritual Progress
The attainment of enlightenment and future buddhahood is the most important topic of prediction in translated Buddhist texts, where it is usually expressed as shòujì (see above). However, as such predictions are typically made by a buddha (in Indic Buddhist literature, usually by either Śākyamuni himself or-especially in the jātaka narratives-a previous buddha), this term scarcely features in either the GSZ or the XGSZ.
Indeed, it appears only once, in the entry on the monk Tánróng 曇榮 ( Here, then, Sēngdìng's devoted Vinaya and repentance practice, under the tutelage of Tánróng, results in a prediction of buddhahood for both monks from Śākyamuni himself. This probably reflects the view of the compiler of the XGSZ, who himself was a renowned Vinaya specialist. However, it is the only occasion when Śākyamuni (or any other buddha) makes such a pronouncement in the text. 58 A more common term for this practice is fāngděng chànhuǐ 方等懺悔, which comprises a meditation during which the practitioner focuses on the hindrances caused by the six sense organs. 59 On the term dàochăng, see DDB (http://www.buddhism-dict.net/cgi-bin/xpr-ddb.pl?q=% E9%81%93%E5%A0%B4). 60 Zhìzhēn děng zhèngjué 至真等正覺 usually refers to the enlightenment of an arhat (Skr. arhan sammā saṃbuddhaḥ) or a buddha.

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Acta Orient. Hung. 73, 2020 There is no specific forecast of buddhahood in Qiúnàbámó's 求那跋摩 61 biography, although his entry does include a prediction that he will attain a stage of spiritual development that will enable him to follow the path to buddhahood in the future. In this case, the predictor is not a fellow monk, but rather a prognostication specialist who makes a prediction that is similar to the one given to Śākyamuni after his birth. Interestingly, the passage ends with Qiúnàbāmó's personal evaluation of his spiritual progress: When he reached the age of eighteen, a prognostication specialist (xiànggōng 相公) saw him and said the following: 'At the age of 30 you will rule a country [i.e. Kashmir] and become an honoured person facing south [i.e. a king/emperor]; [but,] if you do not yearn for worldly fame, you will attain the saintly fruit [i.e. enlightenment]' […] On the 18th day of the 9th month of that year, he had not yet finished his midday meal when he got up and returned to his room, his disciples following behind. Thereupon, he passed away at the age of 65. Before his death he had in advance composed a commemorative text in 36 lines, explaining himself his life events (yīnyuán 因緣) and mentioning that he had already attained the 'second fruit' (èrguǒ 二果). 62

The Flourishing and Decline of Buddhism and the Buddhist Teachings
From the Northern and Southern Dynasties (and especially Northern Wèi) period onwards, anxiety over the decline or even disappearance of the Dharma (mòfă 末法) became a recurring theme in Buddhist discourse. This is also reflected in the GSZ and XGSZ, in which predictions relating to the future of Buddhism are incorporated within a number of the monks' biographies: in the GSZ, Huì'ān 慧安 (354-424), Tánshĭ 曇始 (?-?), Xuángāo 玄高 (402-444), and Sēngzhōu 僧周 (?-?); and in the 61 The Kashmiri monk *Guṇavarman (367 -431) who translated key Vinaya texts during the Líu Sòng 劉宋 period (420 -479). He was also a member of the Kashmiri royal family and as such a potential successor to the throne. 62 That is, he had attained the realisation that would make him a 'once-returner'.
XGSZ, Huìsī 慧思 (515-577/578), Huìzhŭ 慧主 (541-629/630), Dàomì 道密 (564-659), Shétísīnà 闍提斯那 (?560-?656), Míngdàn 明誕 (?560-?656), and Sēngmíng 僧明 (? -?). The narrative is especially dramatic in the case of Xuángāo, who passes away but is then summoned back from the dead by his disciples and asked to make a prediction on the future of the Dharma. After acknowledging that the teaching is on the wane, he declares: 'After you [his disciples] have died, the Dharma will flourish again' (汝等死後，法當更興; GSZ, p398a22). 63 Occasionally, the prognostication does not concern the Buddhist teaching in its entirety, but rather the development of specific Buddhist schools of thought. One example is the 'Consciousness Only' (wéishí 唯識) thought that was promoted by the translator Paramārtha (Zhēndì 真諦; 499-569). According to the XGSZ, his philosophy and the scriptures he translated were initially disregarded and even criticised by court officials during the Chén 陳 Dynasty (557-589). Nevertheless: Paramārtha pointed with his finger to the northwest and said: 'In this region there is a great country, which is neither close by nor far away; after we have passed away, [my teaching] shall flourish and spread there. But we will not witness its rise, and this I regard as greatly regret- fǔ and talked to him, then suddenly disagreed with one of the official's suggestions, and the official issued a punishment. The entire assembly was bewildered and sighed in regret. 63 The Emperor Tài Wŭ 太武 of the Northern Wèi ordered Xuángāo's execution in 444. Prior to his death, on several occasions the monk reportedly predicted the persecution of China's Buddhists between 446 and 452 and the consequent decline of the Buddhist Dharma (see GSZ, p398a1 -8; and Lìdài sānbǎo jì 歷代三寶紀; CBETA: T49, no2034, p85a27 -b3). For more on Xuángāo, see Lai 2003: 143 -161. 64 According to the XGSZ, Paramārtha's teaching only gained popularity during the Suí Dynasty, when it was promoted by the monk Tánqiān 曇遷 (542 -607), among others. Tánqiān fled to the south during the Northern Wèi suppression of Buddhism, came into contact with Paramārtha's Mahāyāna-saṃgraha (Shè dàshèng lùn 攝大乘論), and eventually settled in Cháng'ān in 587. 65 This monk is also known as the 'Dharma Patriarch Bó' (Bó făzǔ 帛法祖). 66 Here, duì 對 is used in the sense of bàoyīng 報應: that is, retribution for actions performed during one's lifetime. Indirectly, this indicates his impending death. Dharma Patriarch [Bó] (帛法祖) said: 'As for my encountering this final response to my actions, those from the previous lives are already concluded, and are not today's matter.' He then called out for the Buddhas of the Ten Directions, and said: 'As for the causes of the sins of my previous rebirths, I would like to finish their karmic effect [by being killed now]. 67 And I vow that from now on, I will regard [Zhāng]fǔ as a good friend [i.e. teacher], and not let him receive the sin of killing me.' Consequently, he was whipped 50 times and died immediately.
In another story featuring the monk Zhìzàng 智藏 (458-522), there is an account of a woman who excelled in physiognomising. 68 She predicted that Zhìzàng's brightness and rhetorical skills will spread throughout his generation, and his fame will circulate around the world. But, unfortunately, his lifespan will not be long, and he will reach only the age of 31. Predictions relating to the restoration or rebuilding of monasteries are also found in the entries for Huìlì 慧力 (? -?; GSZ, p410a17-b10), Chán Master Fótuó 佛陀 (439-531; XGSZ, p551b10-13), Ācārya Cén (Cén shélí 岑闍梨; ?-?; XGSZ, p661a4-11), and others. Dàojī's 道積 (568-636) biography includes a reference to a large but unfinished statue of the Buddha. After receiving a request to complete the statue, the monk has a dream: 72 69 This famous monastery is located in Jiànkāng 建康 (modern-day Nánjīng 南京), the capital of the Eastern Jìn and the Southern Dynasties. It was founded at the beginning of the 5th century and continued to prosper until the end of the Southern Dynasties period (see Náncháo sì kăo 南朝寺考; CBETA, B14, no86, p650a10 -651a1).
70 Dì duì tiāntǎng 地對天堂 probably has a geographical meaning here, with tiāntǎng ('heavenly hall') not referring to a structure in the imperial palace, but more generally to an auspicious location in geomancy. According to the Dìlĭ xīnshū 地理新書, it may denote an easterly direction. However, this interpretation is based on later sources (e.g. Xū xiū sìkù quánshū, cè 1054: 89) and may not necessarily reflect the intention of the compiler of the GSZ. As such, the precise meaning of the passage remains uncertain. 71 In Bēidù's biography, he tells Qí Xié and the others: 'In this year there will be a major disaster, you should ardently cultivate meritorious deeds. The monk Fǎyì is a man of great virtue, you should go to him and rebuild the destroyed monastery in order to avert disaster' (年當大凶， 可懃修福業。法意道人甚有德，可往就其修立故寺，以禳災禍也; GSZ, p392a25 -27). 72 For a discussion of this episode that explores the dream imagery from the standpoint of traditional Chinese oneiromancy, see Jensen 2018: 208. The evening he received the request, he dreamed that there were two lions at the side of a precipice, and next to a large statue they spit out precious pearls one after the other, continuing without interruption.

受請之夕，寢夢崖傍見二師子，於大像側連吐明珠，相續不絕。
(XGSZ, p696b3-4) Dàojī interprets his dream as follows: The king of hunting [i.e. the lion] is sovereign [i.e. independent]; this expresses that the Dharma is flowing without impediment; the precious pearls gushing forth by themselves is a metaphor for the donations being inexhaustible. The mysterious activity is secretly revealed[, which means that] there will be success this time.

Predictions relating to Chinese Topics and Methods-Involvement with Politics and the State
Initially, at least, Buddhism was a foreign religion in China, so practitioners had to rely on support from the secular powers in order to gain acceptance and spread the teaching. The relationship between Buddhists and the state intensified during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period, so, understandably, the GSZ and XGSZ contain many predictions relating to the fortunes of rulers and their realms. In Kumārajīva's biography, for example, there is a passage on Lǚ Guāng 呂光 ( The entry for Huì'ān 慧安 (a monk who was active during the 4th century) includes a prediction that the Early Qín 秦 Dynasty (351-394) of the Fú 苻 family will flourish. Huìān obtained a staff originally owned by an Indian monk that was inscribed with Indic letters. No one was able to decipher the inscription until it was shown to Kumārajīva, who translated it as follows: Originally born in Śālavana of India. When there is disorder in the southern region, 'cǎo fù' 草付 will rise, and later ensure that the teaching of the Dào [here: Buddhism] of Kumāra[jīva] will prosper.

本生天竺娑羅林。南方喪亂草付興，後得羅什道教隆。
(GSZ, p370a27-28) If one combines the upper part of the character 草 (i.e. the 'grass radical') with the character 付, the resulting character is Fú 苻-a reference to the founder of the Early Qín Dynasty, Fú Jiàn 苻健 (317-355), who adopted the title Gāozŭ 高祖 on becoming emperor. As such, Kumārajīva predicts the family's rise to power and, consequently, the dissemination of his own teachings. Huìyì's 慧義 (372-444/445) biography addresses Liú Yù's 劉裕 (363-422) founding of the Liú Sòng 劉宋 Dynasty (420-479), which superseded the Jìn 晉 Dynasty. In this entry, a monk by the name of Făchēng 法稱 (? -?) from Jìzhōu 冀州 informs his student Pŭyán 普嚴 that he has recently encountered a benevolent spirit: The spirit of Mt. Sòng said the following: 'In Jiāngdōng there is a general Liú who will certainly receive the Mandate of Heaven; I take 32 jade rings 73 and one plate of zhēn gold as a token of faith [in this prediction].'

嵩高靈神云：『江東有劉將軍，應受天命，吾以三十二璧、鎮金 一鉼，為信。』
(GSZ, p368c6) Further references to the establishment of new dynasties include Sēnghán 僧含 (416 -484) foretelling General Liú Jùn's 劉駿 (430-464) accession to the throne 74 (GSZ, p370b25-28) and Făshī 法施 (586-701) predicting that General Xiāoxǐ 蕭銑 (583-621) will become the King of Bālíng 巴陵 (in the eastern part of Sìchuān; XGSZ, p663c27-28). There are also several predictions pertaining to revolts and wars. 75 In addition to predictions relating to the personal destinies of monks and secular rulers, prognostications of events that will affect whole regions, such as natural disasters, feature prominently in the GSZ and XGSZ. For instance, Zhú Fǎhuì's 73 The figure 32 probably hints at the duration of the dynasty. 74 Liú Jùn ruled as Emperor Xiào Wǔ 孝武 of the Sòng 宋. 75 The GSZ contains predictions of revolts in the entries for Kumārajīva, Guṇabhadra 竺法慧 (287?-344?) biography includes a prediction of a major flood occurring as a consequence of his death: 76 'Three days after my death, there will be violent rainfalls.' When that time came, there was indeed flooding; at the city gate the water stood one zhàng deep, and the inhabitants were floating and submerged in it, and many of them died.

『吾死後三日，天當暴雨。』至期果洪注，城門水深一丈，居民 漂沒，多有死者。
(GSZ, p389b4-5) Likewise, we are told that a series of natural disasters followed Huì'àn's 慧岸 (533 -623) death. However, it is unclear whether the monk's foreknowledge of these disasters prompted him to commit suicide, or whether they were triggered by his passing: In the 6th year of the Wŭdé era (623), [Huìān] suddenly repeatedly cried bitterly and was unable to control himself, saying: 'Who could tolerate seeing such things?' Based on that, he submerged himself in a lake and sought death, but the [members of the] assembly attempted to enter the lake in order to save him. However, [Huì'ān] sat on the bottom of the lake and had already passed away [when they reached him]. In the year he died, there was a severe drought and no harvest, and those who died due to epidemics were numerous.
Hence, the death of a famous monk can resonate throughout the cosmos and cause nature to 'mourn' and initiate potentially dangerous and sometimes even disastrous consequences for those left behind. This correlates perfectly with contemporary thinking relating to the demise of high-ranking laypeople, such as emperors. It is probably no coincidence that the compilers of the Buddhist history texts drew on these notions to emphasise the significance of eminent monastics.

Prognostication Based on the Zhōuyì 周易
In general, as the previous examples have demonstrated, there is no mention of mantic techniques when the GSZ and XGSZ introduce the subject of prognostication. Rather, the texts tend to present predictions as 'by-products' of eminent monastics' outstanding virtue and insight, which grant them a superior form of knowledge. That said, there are occasional references to specific techniques. One type of prognostication is based on the Zhōuyì 周易 (i.e. the Yìjīng 易經; Book of Changes), 77 which in its current form consists of two parts. The jīng 經 part consists of 64 hexagrams (guà 卦) and 384 lines (yáo 爻). Each hexagram has a name, an image, a divinatory explanation of the hexagram itself, and another explanation of the lines attached to it. The so-called 'commentary' (zhuàn 傳) section, which is traditionally attributed to Confucius's disciples, contains further comments on the hexagrams and lines. During divination, the practitioner should first use milfoil stalks in order to seek a number (shù 數), and obtain a number in order to determine the lines (yáo), and multiple lines then form a hexagram (guà); based on the hexagram, a 'sentence' (cí 辭) is produced.

家本事神，身習鼓舞，世間雜技，及耆爻、占相，皆備盡其妙。
(XGSZ, p417a1-2) Nevertheless, milfoil prognostication is only ever mentioned in a generic way, and neither text elaborates on the theme. 77 Zhōuyì jíjiĕ; on that work, see, e.g. Karcher 2002 andDavis 2012. 78 Specifically, one should take fifty stalks of milfoil, then, after a threefold calculation process, one can determine the nature of the lines (whether they are yīn or yáng). One hexagram consists of six broken (yīn yáo 陰爻) or unbroken (yáng yáo 陽爻) lines, so the calculation has to be performed six times in order to arrive at a hexagram. The auspiciousness or inauspiciousness of an event is determined on the basis of one's interpretation of the 'sentence' associated with the hexagram and the lines. 79 Zhú Fǎtài was active during the Eastern Jìn period (second half of the 4th century). Originally a fellow student of the famous Dào'ān 道安, he became a specialist in early Chinese prajñā philosophy (GSZ, p354b29, 354c21 -23).

Physiognomising (xiàng)
Physiognomising, which involves making predictions on the basis of a person's features (xiàng rén shù 相人術), seems to have been a common practice in medieval India (see above) and China. There are certainly ample references to the technique in pre-Buddhist Chinese sources. 80 However, whereas passages relating to xiàng rén 相人 ('physiognomising persons') in the Buddhist translated literature tend to focus strictly on physical features, the Chinese sources suggest that the colour of the face, the voice, 81 and even aspects of a person's behaviour, character, and mental state could also be taken into account when making predictions. There are several references to monastics employing physiognomising techniques in the GSZ and XGSZ. 82

Topomancy
Topomancy-that is, prognosticating on the basis of the physical environment or particular topographical features-had been practised in China since time immemorial. For example, the Zhōuyì 周易 states: In ancient times, when Páo Xī ruled the world as king, he looked up to observe the patterns in Heaven, and he looked down to observe the rules on Earth; he observed the patterns of birds and beasts, and how these fitted with the Earth […] Subsequently, he created the Eight Trigrams.

古者包牺氏之王天下也，仰则观象于天，俯则观法于地，观鸟兽 之文，与地之宜。……於是始作八卦。
(Shísān jīng zhùshū: 86) It was thought that the natural environment played a crucial role in the well-being of its inhabitants, and that it could determine the success or failure of their endeavours. From the Hàn Dynasty onwards, topomancy focused on foretelling fortune or misfortune on the basis of the location and architectural features of a person's home. For example, the Lùnhéng 論衡 (Chapter Sì huì 四諱) insists that a western orientation is inauspicious. 83 80 See, e.g. Zuǒzhuàn 左傳, which records the official Shūfù 叔服 physiognomising the two sons of Gōngsūn Áo 公孫敖 (Shísān jīng zhùshū: 1836). 81 Cf. Xúnzĭ: 'When [he] physiognomised the bodily features (xíngzhuàng 形狀) and facial colour/features (yánsè 顏色) of a person in order to know whether their fortune would be good or bad, auspicious or inauspicious' (相人之形狀、顏色而知其吉凶、妖祥; Xúnzĭ 荀子; Chapter Fēi xiàng 非相; Xúnzĭ jíjiě: 72). The Xiàng shū 相書 mentions physiognomising of the eyes, nose, ears, and other parts of the body. In addition, prognostications could be made based on a person's way of walking, the timbre of his voice, and so on (Míng kānbĕn Yímén guăngdú, cè 9). 82 See, e.g. the biography of Zhìmìng 智命 (529 -621; XGSZ, p683a15). 83 Lùnhéng jiàoshì: 968. In the Zháijīng 宅經 (Classic of residences), edited by Zhōu Lǚjìng 周履靖 during the Míng Dynasty, this idea is rationalised as follows: 'Therefore, the residence is the "origin" of a person. A person makes a residence his home, and if his dwelling there is peaceful, then the [subsequent] generations of his family will be prosperous; if it is not peaceful, then his clan will decline. The same is true for graves in terms of their situation at rivers and on mountains.' Our historical sources suggest that many monks excelled in the art of topomancy. In the GSZ and XGSZ, topomantic prognostication centres on identifying underlying patterns in the local ecosystem. For instance, in Jìngyuān's 淵 (543 -611) biography, his teacher Língyù 靈裕 (517-605) attempts to identify a topographically auspicious location for a new temple: [Líng]yù prognosticated (bǔ 卜) the northwestern hill, and called it 'blissful land'. It is not only that the group of mountain hermits [i.e. monks] will succeed each other; it will also mean that the donations will not decline.
[Jìng]yuān then directly followed his advice. This is the very foundation of the monastery today. More than 50 years have passed since that time [when the monastery was constructed]. Some inauspicious years have occurred during this period; however, donations to the monastery have continued without interruption.
In another passage, we learn that meritorious deeds can overturn the pernicious influence of celestial phenomena. The Emperor Jiănwén 簡文 (320-372) of the Eastern Jìn 晉 Dynasty (265-420) asks Zhú Făkuàng 竺法曠 (327-402) about some seemingly ominous stars and is told that practising virtuous government will transform impending disaster into good fortune (GSZ,.
Monks also foretell the future through observation of atmospheric phenomena, such as clouds and wind. Kumārajīva, for example, predicts a rebellion after feeling an inauspicious wind (不祥之風，當有姦叛; GSZ,. This technique was deeply rooted in traditional Chinese culture. 86

Selecting Appropriate Times
In China, the timing of important events and actions had long been viewed as critical for their success. The Lùnhéng explains this concept in detail: When commencing a project, moving home, engaging in rituals, funerals, work tasks, assuming office, marrying, if one does not select an auspicious day, and does not avoid the [inauspicious] spirits of the year and spirits of the month, then one will encounter demons and meet spirits, and during these turbulent times [i.e. when men and spirits meet], one will be hurt by them. Therefore, one will meet with disease or generate misfortune, get entangled with the law and be indicted with a crime, to the extent of being killed and [seeing] one's family exterminated; all [because] one does not value caution and makes the mistake to have contact [with spirits] during the taboo days.

Manipulating the Cosmic Board (shìzhàn 式占)
Along with predictions based on milfoil, manipulation of the shìzhàn 式占 ('cosmic board') was one of the main methods of prognostication in medieval China. 90 However, this was not a uniform technique; rather, a square board that symbolically represented the cosmos was manipulated and interpreted in a variety of ways. It seems that shìzhàn prognostication was closely related to astronomical and calendrical divination methods. Typically, the upper part (yuánpán 圓盤) of the board depicted Heaven, with the Great Dipper in the centre, surrounded by the twenty-eight stellar constellations and the spirits of the twelve months. The Earth was depicted in the centre of the lower part (fāngpán 方盤), surrounded by the Heavenly Stems and Earthly Branches (tiāngān dìzhī 天干地支) that were related to the calendrical system. 87 Sāntŏng 三統 is a term based on Dŏng Zhòngshū's 董仲舒 (179 -104 BCE) philosophy. It denotes the three months that can be determined by the initial month of a year (zhèngyuè 正月) according to the Chinese lunar calendar. In Dŏng's system, specific seasons, colours, and other features can be correlated with the respective months. Each new dynasty has to determine the appropriate beginning of the year. 88 The Northern Chán monk Yīxíng 一行 (683 -727) played a crucial role in propagating the lìpŭ in Chinese Buddhism. He composed several works on calendric sciences, especially after coming into contact with the Indian Esoteric Buddhist master Śubhakarasiṃha, and constructed a device to measure the movement of the stars. For more information, see Jeffrey Kotyk  The Shĭjì (p3218), compiled in the 2nd century BCE, mentions the shìzhàn, and it was clearly still a common device more than half a millennium later, as the XGSZ credits several monks-including Língyòu 靈祐 (XGSZ, p497c24-28) and Ānlĭn 安廩 (XGSZ, p480b9)-with mastering its use for divination purposes. However, it does not feature in any specific stories.

Consulting Apocryphal Texts
The GSZ and XGSZ mention the túwěi 圖緯 ('charts and wefts') 91 technique on several occasions. This term seems to be synonymous with chènwěi 讖緯 and túchèn 圖 讖, and usually refers to the so-called 'apocryphal texts'. Scholars of these texts frequently made predictions based on their interpretations of them. The ideas contained within the apocrypha were attributed to Confucius himself, so they possessed great authority. The GSZ and XGSZ report that some Buddhist monks were adept at using the texts to predict the future. Tánkējiāluó (*Dharmkāla; ? -?), an Indian Vinaya specialist who arrived in Luòyáng in the middle of the 3rd century, supposedly excelled in the four types of Vedic literature and [predictions based on] wind, clouds, stars, and the apocrypha; as for a change of fortune, there was none he did not know thoroughly.

Prognostication Based on the Sound, Shape, and Meaning of Chinese Characters
Whereas predictions in texts translated from Indic sources are quite straightforward, they were sometimes transformed into 'riddles' or word games in the Chinese context, frequently based on particular features of the Chinese writing system and the methods of indicating the sound and meaning of specific characters. 94 As such, the meaning may be 'hidden' and must be retrieved by tracing the mechanisms through which it was encoded. The Chinese language itself, especially in its written form, was sometimes used to predict the future. For example, during a revolt of the Pí 郫 people in Yìzhōu 益州 Province, the monk Sēngdù 僧度 was asked to predict the rebellion's chances of success: [Sēngdù] took his brush and wrote down two characters, 州度. The insurgents said with delight: 'The province (zhōu 州) will be passed over (dù 度) to us, this is certainly auspicious!' (XGSZ, p657b26-28) The revolt was crushed, yet Sēngdù's prediction was accurate. The fault lay with the rebels, as they interpreted 州度 semantically rather than phonetically. In Early Middle Chinese 州 is read as tɕuw, and 度 can be read as either do h or dɑk. When interpreted as fǎnqiè 反切, 95 one takes the initial /tɕ/ and combines it with the rime part ak, resulting in tɕ(i)ak, which is near-homophonous to tɕiak 斫 ('break; cut off'). When using the phrase as reversed fănqiè (= 度州), the result would be tuw, which is very close to the reading təw ('head'). (Indeed, the readings might have been identical in the local dialect.) As such, the phrase is 'properly' interpreted as 斫頭 ('to cut off the head'). 96 In the previous example, the focus is on playing with conventions for expressing the reading of a character (fǎnqiè), but in other instances the specific meaning of a character is ignored and rather interpreted as a homophonous or near-homophonous word. 97 Or, occasionally, an omen is misinterpreted on the basis of (false) resemblance. 94 This form of wordplay in the prognostication literature has considerable antiquity. For some cross-cultural examples (drawn from the context of oneiromancy), see Noegel 2007. 95 The fǎnqiè system was used from the 4th century to indicate the reading of Chinese characters. The reading was given by combining two characters, with the first representing the initial (shēngmǔ 聲母) and the second the remaining part (the so-called rhyme part, yùnmŭ 韻母 + tone). 96 This form of interpretation can be traced back at least as far as the Zuǒzhuàn, as discussed at length in Li 2007. 97 The use of phonetic loan characters was an important feature of the pre-modern Chinese writing system throughout its history, particularly in less formal or vernacular writing. and è 惡 ('bad > inauspicious'). 101 However, this method was considered heterodox and was prohibited by the government (XGSZ, p435c27-436a1).
Finally, a few monks are depicted as behaving in peculiar or even foolish ways. For example, Fǎxíng 法行 shoots bamboo arrows at the walls of Dāngyáng 當陽 after predicting that bandits will attack the city. However, the citizens misunderstand his hidden message and are consequently massacred by the intruders (XGSZ, p658b1 -12).

Conclusions
The GSZ and XGSZ are important sources for analysing the significance of prognostication/foreknowledge in Buddhist history texts, and the way in which these abilities were integrated into the biographies of eminent Chinese medieval monks. This paper has also compared aspects of mantic practices recorded in the Chinese Buddhist history texts with the Chinese Buddhist translated literature and the 'Indian' view on prognostication they reflect. Furthermore, it has investigated examples of indigenous Chinese prognostication techniques in the GSZ and XGSZ, and highlighted some differences between the two texts.
Foremost among the various prognostication topics in the Buddhist history texts are the most significant life events of monks, including their gestation, birth, youth and education, and death. Interestingly, there are significant differences between the GSZ and the XGSZ with regard to recording events before, during, and after a monastic's birth. Whereas the former text contains only three narratives on birth events, its sequel features no fewer than twenty-nine. This probably reflects contrasting degrees of interest in the subject in the eras when the two texts were written. Indeed, identical tendencies are evident in contemporaneous secular history texts. For example, little attention is paid to the births of important people in Sòng shū 宋書 or the Nán-Qí shū 南齊書 102 (composed around the same time as the GSZ), whereas the Liáng shū 梁書, Chén shū 陳書, and Nán shĭ 南史 103 (all of which, like the XGSZ, were written during the Táng period) include frequent references to such events.
In contrast to birth events, the subject of death (and rebirth destinations) plays a significant role in both of the Buddhist history texts. Overall, 122 prognostication narratives relate to the end of a monk's life. This is hardly surprising, since the moment when an eminent monk dies is viewed as the culmination of his earthly efforts and a direct outcome of his spiritual practice. These narratives may be divided into two main types: the monk's own foreknowledge of his impending death; and accounts of unusual events preceding or coinciding with his passing. The former passages 101 See Zhuāng 1999: 39. For an English translation of the entire passage, see Ng 2007: 88. 102 Edited during the Liáng Dynasty. 103 The Nán shĭ records special events accompanying the birth of almost every emperor. For example, the text reports unusual lights filling the room and 'sweet dew' (gānlù 甘露) descending when Liú Yù (r. 420 -422) of the Sòng and Liú Jùn 劉駿 were born, and similarly unusual natural phenomena coinciding with the birth of the Emperor Tàizǔ 太祖 of the Qí 齊 (see Nán shĭ: 1, 55, 88, 97). were probably included for didactic reasons: such accounts 'proved' that the monk in question had attained a high degree of spiritual insight, knowledge of the past and future, and other special powers as a result of his practice.
The number of narratives relating to strange phenomena either presaging or coinciding with a monk's demise increased significantly from the GSZ (sixteen accounts) to the XGSZ (sixty-nine accounts). Here, once again, the increased emphasis in the later text may reflect the interests of the target audience. The monks' spiritual accomplishments are presented as so significant that the environment (including nature) participates in their 'resonance' (gǎnyìng 感應). 104 This notion is traditionally Chinese, but it also echoes nature's (specifically plants', animals', and spirits') interactions with the Bodhisattva (i.e. Buddha in his former lives) in the jātaka and avadāna narratives. Accounts of these events in the history texts also had the important function of emphasising that Buddhist monastics possessed greater spiritual power than their Confucian or Daoist counterparts. This sectarian/propagandist feature is especially prominent in Dàoxuān's work, which was written at a time when Buddho-Daoist competition (see Campany 2012: 273-364) was reaching new heights and Buddhists were facing frequent attacks from Confucian scholars. The compiler's clear intention was to protect the Dharma by focusing on the exemplary features and special powers of Buddhist monastics (hù fă 護法).
Whereas both texts contain frequent references to eminent monks' foreknowledge and 'signs' relating to important events in their lives, there are far fewer accounts of monastics using specific prognostication techniques: only fourteen in the GSZ, and only thirteen in the XGSZ. In the earlier text, seven of the fourteen prognosticating monks fall within the 'translators' category. This may be explained by the fact that the GSZ includes biographies of relatively early translators, many of whom originated from outside China (primarily Central Asia). In the early period of Chinese Buddhism, before the doctrinal framework, monastic regulations, and institutions had been firmly established, the local audience might have been most interested in the supernatural aspects of the 'new cult', including special techniques (shù 術) of predicting the future. Hence, the compiler of the GSZ probably drew on earlier legends and records concerning the early translators. 105 Although Dàoxuān was a Vinaya monk and the foremost authority on the Sìfēn lǜ 四分律, 106 there is no explicit or even implicit criticism of monastics' use of supernatural powers and prognostication techniques in the XGSZ. 107 This suggests that possessing and practising special powers had become an inherent feature of the image of 104 One example is trees turning white when Sēngchè 僧徹 was on the verge of death (XGSZ, p595c13). 105 Kieschnick 1997: 84 -87 discusses the tendency of these texts to ascribe thaumaturgical powers to foreign monks. 106 The Vinaya literature frequently criticizes monks' use of special powers. 107 Dàoxuān's fascination with other supernatural powers, in addition to prognostication/divination, is evident in his accounts of famous monks taming wild beasts, causing dry springs to gush again, communicating with and controlling spirits, reading minds, and causing inexplicable phenomena to occur-to name just a few. the ideal monk by the early Táng. At most, and only occasionally, we may detect certain ambivalence on the part of Dàoxuān in his treatment of the topic.
Another important aspect of the Buddhist histories is their inclusion of specifically Chinese methods of prognostication, even though these are usually mentioned only in generic terms. The focus on aspects of the Chinese language and script is particularly noteworthy. Such predictions were not straightforward, but rather 'hidden' in riddle-like phrases or convoluted arrangements of Chinese characters. These 'games' that played with the sounds, meanings, and orthographical forms of Chinese words may be traced all the way back to the early Hàn Dynasty-or even earlierand thereafter they appeared in numerous variations and forms in both secular and religious texts. In later works, the phenomenon is sometimes termed chèn 讖, which the Sìkù quánshū zǒngmù 四庫全書總目 defines as 'composing "hidden/secret words" in a wily way in order to predict the auspicious or inauspicious' (讖者，詭為隱語， 預決吉凶; Yǐngyìn Wényuān gé Sìkù quánshū, cè 1: 158). In China, these yǐnyǔ probably became popular because they enabled secular writers to express politically sensitive messages discreetly. 108 Buddhist writers may well have appreciated the benefits of adopting a similar approach.
Somewhat paradoxically, although the GSZ and XGSZ criticise 'Brahmins' for practising aberrant forms of prognostication, they suggest that similar special powers (sānmíng liùtōng 三明六通) are natural by-products of rigorous self-cultivation and the attainment of spiritual insight. Hence, the ability to predict the future is 'self-generated' and usually does not have to be mediated by another thaumaturge or a spirit (although, in some biographies, spiritual beings do provide monks with information about future events). Indeed, in contrast to traditional Chinese views on spirits (shén 神)-which cast them transcending the mundane world and being generally superior to human beings 109 -the Buddhist historical texts downplay their significance and stress the supremacy of human rebirth, even over existence as a deity (tiān 天).
As for the subjects and types of prognostication that feature in the GSZ and XGSZ, the texts present an interesting combination of Indian and Chinese elements. The emphasis on events relating to birth, spiritual attainment, and death was certainly inspired by narratives of Śākyamuni Buddha himself. However, as we have seen, supernatural occurrences at moments of birth and death occasionally feature in non-Buddhist sources, too. Whereas the revelation of future events in dreams is a recurring topic in the Buddhist history texts, 110 this type of foreknowledge is clearly a crosscultural phenomenon. Naturally, the agents and objects in the dreams described in the GSZ and XGSZ often have specific Buddhist references. Other techniques that feature in the two texts were widely practised in both Indian/Central Asian and Chinese contexts, such as physiognomising (with some differences concerning the objects to be investigated) and prognostications based on astronomical and atmospheric phenomena. Once again, details of these practices (e.g. the constellations involved or the geographical areas affected) have more specific cultural references.
A few of the techniques described in the GSZ and XGSZ-such as Kumārajīva's predictions of recovery from disease based on his observation of burned silk threads, Ān Shìgāo's interpretations of birds' and animals' calls, and prognostication based on counting shells-are unknown in pre-Buddhist Chinese sources. Hence, it might be surmised that they originated in Central Asia. 111 Traditional Chinese techniques are easier to identify due to their clear cultural references, including prognostications based on the Zhōuyì, the cosmic board, the apocryphal texts, and the Chinese language and script.
More generally, this analysis has highlighted the great significance accorded to prognostication-as well as an array of other supernatural powers-in monastic biographies. Clearly, by the time that the GSZ and XGSZ were composed, these qualities were viewed as essential characteristics of eminent monks.