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Hungarian has a number of apparently synonymous time adverbs that can measure the duration of time intervals. The paper explores these adverbs in some detail, and argues that contrary to appearances, none ofthem are freely interchangeable. The starting point is a discussion of the property of homogeneity that time adverbs are sensitive to. The paper argues for a specific treatment of homogeneity and a preliminary adverb definition based on that treatment. It is proposed that some, but not all, Hungarian time adverbs share the default definition. The diverging adverbs may (a) contain a covert frequency predicate or (b) not measure the duration of the time interval directly, but by determining an endpoint of the interval. Hungarian time adverbs also differ in the range of time intervals they can measure; some, but not all adverbs can measure all available time intervals including the event, iterative, habitual and reference time. This variability in time adverb modification is arbitrary and needs to be explicitly determined for each adverb. Apart from discerning the interpretation of Hungarian time adverbs, the conclusions have a more general impact. On the one hand, apparently homogeneous adverbs can have disparate definitions. On the other, it is necessary to permit explicit, arbitrary constraints on adverbial modification. It is also argued that time adverbs can impose non-local restrictions on the eventuality modified, strengthening the need for a powerful theory of adverbial modification.
This article revisits the (non)configurationality debate of the 80s and early 90s concerning Hungarian, a `free word order' language, which was shown during that period to be characterized by an articulate and, crucially, hierarchical preverbal domain, with A-bar positions dedicated to discourse functions such as topic and focus. What this debate did not conclusively settle, however, is the question whether or not the structure of A-positions in Hungarian is also configurational. The most prevalent, and indeed empirically most well-argued and elaborated analysis that has emerged is that of É. Kiss's (1987a, b; 1991, 1994a, 2002, 2003), according to which the answer is negative: arguments are base-generated in the verb phrase in a free order in a flat structure. The present paper challenges this view by demonstrating systematically that the arguments put forward to back it up are inconclusive, and in fact it fails descriptively as well. The alternative proposed here is based on a hierarchical verb phrase (vacated by the raised verb) and a Japanese-type local scrambling movement that operates in the post-verbal domain of the clause. The scrambling movement analysis, besides being theoretically more desirable than the nonconfigurational verb phrase approach, makes available a superior descriptive coverage by accounting for a varied set of structural symmetries and asymmetries holding between subject and object. Modulo scrambling, Hungarian is configurational all the way down.
The paper proposes a strict three-way distinction among adverbs that specify the frequency or quantity of multiple events. It is argued that the distribution of the three classes of adverbs in Hungarian largely follows from independent factors, and it is dictated by basic semantic properties of the adverbs. One group of adverbs, that of adverbs of quantification, shares the distribution of comparable (non-adverbial) quantificational expressions. Thus syntactic positions occupied by these adverbs are determined by general considerations, and no adverb-specific assumptions are necessary.
This article takes a close look at correlatives in Hungarian and shows that they occupy a particular space in the typology of correlatives: Hungarian correlativization is solely used as a left-peripheral discourse strategy, which will be evidenced by the fact that correlatives display properties of topics, both when it comes to syntax and discourse. Concerning their discourse interpretation it will be argued that correlatives in Hungarian are aboutness topics, and take part in a discourse structure akin to simplifying left dislocation. Concerning their syntax, unlike Hindi correlatives in the analysis of Bhatt (2003), correlatives in Hungarian are not merged to their demonstrative associate in a local manner; nevertheless, their relationship to their associate is subject to locality considerations. Hungarian correlatives are merged at the edge of the CP that contains the base-generated DP and may undergo topic movement to the left, into higher clauses. The demonstrative associate on the other hand minimally raises to the left periphery of its CP, and alternatively into higher clauses, via topicalization or focusing. This means that Hungarian correlativization involves two mobile elements: both the correlative clause and the demonstrative are able to undergo movement.
What Makes Me Tick? Peter Newmark interviewed by Anikó Sohár
Organic farm, organic food steps towards a sustainable agriculture (with Hungarian and Slovenian examples)
An introduction to the thematic block
From Hernádszentandrás to BioSzentandrás
An example of a sustainable bio-farm in Hungary
Sustainable agriculture is the re-production of resources, which has a positive impact on the natural environment, assists in the survival of rural communities, and improves the quality of life through food production. The job opportunities can also positively influence the population retention of the communities. The study seeks to answer why a farming community in a traditionally agricultural area may have to re-learn the foundations of crop production on a social agricultural farm created by the local government. In this case study based on my fieldwork, I present the operation of an organic farm established with the help of external resources and specialists as a sustainable agricultural model, its effect on community life, and briefly referring to food culture and lifestyle changes that occurred in Hungary in the second half of the 20th century.
School Meals on the Menu
Studies on the Practices of Children's Catering
Abstract
In Hungary, about half of the 3–18 age group has regularly used school food service. This paper focuses on the operation and social embeddedness of school canteens and the at-home eating habits of the families involved. My conclusions are based on the findings of my interdisciplinary research group. Ethnographers from the RCH Institute of Ethnology and dietitians from the National Institute of Pharmacy and Nutrition have been studying school food from 2018 to 2023. We selected a few model settlements: in addition to the capital, Budapest, three smaller towns, and two villages. Through questionnaires, interviews, and fieldwork observations, we investigated cooking, serving, meal courses, meal time, eating habits, preferences, as well as the nutritional knowledge of students, teachers, kitchen staff, and parents. Our goal, among other things, is to collect best practices and facilitate communication between participants. Some examples from our research highlight the special role of the centrally regulated school food in local food culture, and difficulties with social and historical roots can occasionally hamper school lunches in becoming a socially accepted model of a healthy diet. The school canteen works best at sites where cooking takes place within the school premises. There is a strong connection between the kitchen staff and the teachers, and they work together in the interest of the children. The value of food and its appreciation is demonstrated by how it is treated and how it is talked about. Communication about food in the canteen should be based on food preparation at home, where parents and children work together. The operation of canteens has become particularly problematic following the measures introduced during the coronavirus pandemic. A sustainable, enjoyable canteen can only be realized through the regular communication of schools and school kitchens, as well as children and their parents. Our findings are presented to our respondents, along with providing them with a comparison of different examples.
