The structures, or architectural forms, can be very various. They are independent both as to text and tune, are inconcievable by lyrics or melody taken separately, have nothing to do with the conscious intention or representation of the singers themselves, and are spontaneously actualized during the singing. Due to such immaterial structuring possibilities, and using only the formal possibilities of the syntagmatic, in Romanian traditional/folk singing a single poetic text can receive 64 formal treatments/versions. For establishing the existence of these architectural variants I have started from observations such as the one belonging to Bartók, who noticed that Romanians had the peculiarity of singing the same verse four times. Other observations spoke about tree times repetitions of each verse, while in someother circumstances verses are repeated just once. If we logically establish all possible forms of sytagmatic repetitions we obtain this sum of 64 variants, which constitute the equally real and virtual being of each and any folk song. These structures and architectures were very important to the old, traditional/peasant aesthetics, and their actualization was essential espetially to ceremonial repertories such as Winter-Solstice-Songs (carols). By giving up devices such as verse repetition and stanzaic refrains, and by shortening the time for performing the epic songs of the peasant carol, what was lost was the immaterial aspect of unconscious constructing, the abysmal pleasure for implied mathematics, was lost one of the essences of the sacred experience, which is -as philosophers put it - 'experiencing the Number'.
A driving force in Vergil’s Aeneid is the hostility of Juno to the Trojans as they approach, and finally arrive in Italy. The epic in some ways mirrors the opposition encountered by Augustus as the new ruler of Rome. Juno’s opposition to the Trojans has its origin not only in Greek mythology, but in the history of the local peoples of Italy with whom early Romans had to contend. From the outset of the poem she becomes the personification of these opposing forces. Once the Trojans finally reach mainland Italy, she sets in motion a long war, although the one depicted in the Aeneid was not as long as the real wars Romans waged with the Latin League and with the many of the tribes of Italy, including the Veii. The reality of the wars Rome had to contend with are here compared to the relatively brief one depicted in the Aeneid, and the pacification of Juno reflects the merging of the different peoples of Rome with their subjugator.
The present article explores the way how medieval people thought about time and organized their lives in light of the constant
passing of time. Whereas modern philosophers and historians have generally credited the Middle Ages with a radically different
time concept in contrast to the modern world, here I will argue that occasionally the differences were considerably less stringent
and perhaps not even existent. Often, quite naturally, the mental-historical framework was deeply influenced by the Catholic
Church which perceived human life within the extremes of life and death, or of secular time and eternity. The analysis will
take us from Old High German heroic epic poetry represented by the “Hildebrandslied” with its noteworthy emphasis on the many
years in which the father did not see his son, to the late Middle Ages when Oswald von Wolkenstein, through his poetry, and
Helene Kottannerin, through her unique diary, indicated their full awareness of the meaning of time in its measurable quality.
Not every author reflected the same concept of time, and many of them simply took their readers to the timeless world of King
Arthur. Other authors, however, such as the Stricker, expressed a clear idea of time almost in the modern sense of the word
by way of positioning their protagonists in problematic situations when they are suddenly pressed for time and need to reach
The article does not intend to blur the differences between the Middle Ages and our own cultural period, but it wants to deconstruct
the romantic sentiment that the consciousness of time prevalent in the Middle Ages was completely different to the modern
concept of time.
The idiom of the scales of justiceis commonly known and widely used. Iustitia can frequently be seen in different representations holding scales in her hand. The scales as a means or a symbol of justice (justness) or the administration of justice can be encountered in various places in Greek literature, one of its earliest instances being the Homeric Hermes' Hymn (Dikés talanta). According to these loci Zeus holds the scales of Diké, that is to say, the scales of justice in his hand. In the Iliad (23, 109-213) one may come across a scene presented in context, thus suitable for being more amply analysed, in which Zeus is pronouncing justice over the heroes using a pair of scales. In search of the meaning of Dikés talanta, this study tries to clarify the concept of law and justice (justness) in Homeric epic (I.), then by a structural (II.) and comparative analysis (III.) of certain lines of the weighing scene, decisive in the combat of Achilles and Hector, it formulates a few remarks on the origin and meaning of the concept of the scales of justice. One cannot claim that this idea of Egyptian religion had been transferred in its entirety into Greek thinking, but it is not surprising, as one can barely encounter an unaltered Egyptian borrowing in Greek mythological thinking. Nonetheless, some Egyptian influence, possibly with Cretan transmission, can be detected in the development of the Greek versions of psykhostasia and kerostasia. Pictorial as well as textual manifestations of such influence can be found on the one hand in vase-paintings, and on the other hand-undergoing a specific alteration of aspect in the form of kerostasia-in Homer, who paved the way for the scales of justice of Zeus and Iuppiter to become the symbol of Diké and Iustitia, and subsequently of the administration of justice itself.
The author of the article wishes to compare Hungarian textual and musical folkloristics at the turn of the 20th century with regard to changes in fieldwork methodologies. Hungarian folklore studies in the 19th century preferred text-oriented recording of performances, while by the first half of the 20th century the need for a performance-centered study of folklore with the help of audio recording emerged. Owing to a fundamental change in the method of folklorecollection, Hungarian folklorists studying folk music and folk dance by the middle of the 20th century applied the method of participant observation. In the meantime extensive collection gave way to intensive collection focusing on the repertoire of a given local community or of an outstanding performer. In this process Béla Vikár had a distinguished role as he was the first one to use phonograph in collecting folk poetry and folk music in Hungary, besides which, with the help of stenography, he has a remarkable manuscript legacy of folktales and folk customs as well. The approach and objectives of Béla Bartók and Zoltán Kodály differed from those of Vikár's, since for them quantitative considerations were still important, while Vikár's approach borrowed elements from social sciences as well. The break-through in this respect was marked with the oeuvre of László Lajtha, a disciple of Bartók, who dealt with vocal and instrumental folk music alike. During five decades Lajtha as a collector shifted paradigms a number of times and on the peak of his folklorist oeuvre he published monographs on the vocal and instrumental musical repertoire of bands and villages. His studies inspired György Martin, dance folklorist as well as the revival folk dance movement in the 1970s. The performer-centred study of narration that Gyula Ortutay elaborated on at the beginning of the 1940s proved to be successful primarily in the study of prose epic genres and it unreflexively followed the method of folk musicologists.
Lucanus Cornelia-alakja a nyelvi és motivikus utalások szerint Vergilius és Ovidius mitikus nőalakjainak rokona, de motivikus szinten sokat köszönhet Propertiusnak és Seneca tragédiáinak is. Lucanus Cornelia-narratívájában meglehetős bizonyossággal tételezhető tudatos nyelvi és motivikus utalás egyrészt Catullus Ariadnéjára, másrészt Ovidius több, hosszabb-rövidebb Ariadne-narratívájára. A tanulmány áttekinti az Ariadne-történetre való lehetséges utalásokat Lucanus eposzában. Rómában, ahol az Ariadne-történet legtöbbet emlegetett része a naxosi epizód volt, a krétai királylány alakjához kapcsolódott a katastérismos képzete: az ’Ariadne Naxoson’-történet Corneliával való összekapcsolása ezért mitológiai metaforája lehet a megistenülés képzetének. Cornelia tehát erényes asszonyként éppúgy kiérdemeli a megistenülést a férjével kapcsolatban, mint Pompeius a maga férfiúi állapotában.
Dumézil , G. 1993 : Mit şi Epopee [Mythe et Épopée/Myth and Epics ; Romanian translation by G. Creția , F. Băltăceanu and D. Sluşanschi ]. Vols. I–III . Bucureşti
Dumézil , G. 1998 : Zeii suverani ai Indo