The first written evidence that is usually connected to the statue of the Virgin Mary in the Franciscan church of Csíksomlyó (Șumuleu Ciuc, Schomlenberg) dates from 1624, when an inventory mentions a sculpture of the Virgin and Child on a secondary altarpiece dedicated to the Holy Virgin. The identification with the present figure is however only hypothetic. Sure is, that the statue was placed on the new high altarpiece, executed by joiner János Nyerges/Hannes Sadler from Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov) in 1664. Nothing is known on the figure previous to these dates and we have no information on its original provenance. The dimensions (of 210 cm without her baroque crown) and the way the backside is carved suggest, that the figure surely belonged to an important altarpiece of quite large dimensions, with a shrine probably higher than 3 - 3,50 meters.
The Franciscan manuscripts from the 17th-18th centuries never mention that the figure would have ever belonged to the (high) altarpiece of the Csíksomlyó monastery church, instead they repeat that its provenance is unknown, only explained by legends. One of these legends, which has a certain probability though, noted by Leonard Losteiner in his manuscript dedicated to the sculpture of the Virgin Mary and her miracles, says that the statue could have been brought from the village of Höltövény (Heldsdorf, Hălchiu), a church which even today preserves its notably large winged altarpiece, with a shrine of 361 cm, which would perfectly fit the figure in point. Also the local historical literature knows of some devotional figures having been once moved from Höltövény to Csíksomlyó. However, the idea remains a hypothesis until it can be proved. Sure is, that only the workshops of the Transylvanian Saxon towns were prepared to produce at the beginning of the 16th century sculptures of such dimensions.
A detailed observation of the statue shows that a number of its characteristics differ a lot from the style known at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The figure was most probably slightly remodelled, renewed, repaired perhaps with the occasion of its placement to the high altarpiece in 1664, but later interventions are also possible.
The fact, that the figure was brought to Csíksomlyó and placed on the high altarpiece of the church in a new function of a cult image could have to do with the introduction of the Pentacost pilgrimage, the first mention of which dates to 1649. The first miracles of the statue are documented right after its placement on the high altar and these have probably contributed to the spread of the new pilgrimage and through this to the renewal of the monastery itself, almost completely depopulated by the second half of the sixteenth century.
The Vienna Hours, illuminated by the artist known as the “Master of Mary of Burgundy”, was originally commissioned by Margaret of York. The later parts of the manuscript commemorate the love and marriage between Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian of Habsburg, and their (newborn or expected) child.
The miniatures and texts in question convey the same idea expressed on several occasions by the official historian, Jean Molinet: in the Burgundian court, the duchess was venerated as the Virgin Mary (and in consequence of this, Maximilian – and Philip – came to be revered as the Saviour, and Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, as the Father). Underlying the tendency to identify Mary of Burgundy with the Virgin Mary was the situation of Burgundy and its heiress, which was understood by means of salvation-historical analogies. In the book of hours, the figures of the two Marys are conflated several times in a variety of ways (fols. 14v, 19v, 43v, 94v, 99v). The hymn in praise of the heavenly joys of the Virgin Mary, which is organically related to the frontispiece image, is thus (also) a chanted sequence for the eternal beatitude of the young bride. The painter conjured up the imaginary figure of Maximilian in the foreground of the two miniatures with window scenes, while the jewels in the border around the image of the Crucifixion scene allude to Margaret of York. These miniatures have a playful tone (as evidenced by the role-swapping between the Marys, the book-within-a-book, picture-within-a-picture, vision-within-a-vision, trompe l’oeil solutions, and the complex dialogue between objects, materials and locations).
There are a number of factors supporting the argument that the miniatures, hitherto attributed to the Master of Mary of Burgundy, were illuminated by Hugo van der Goes, who was a resident of the Red Cloister at the time, and that he was commissioned by the Austrian Archduke. The date of 1478 is rendered likely by stylistic and biographical factors (the paintings Hugo made in the cloister, both before and after, his later illness, the visit of Maximilian, the birth of Philip the Handsome). It was also at this time that Jean Molinet wrote Le Chappellet des dames, which makes multiple comparisons between the duchess and the Virgin Mary, and whose imagery is often echoed in the folios of the Vienna Hours. It is possible that the first (co-)owner of the manuscript was Maximilian of Habsburg.
This study tries to give an overview of the varied connections between word and image in the calendars and other popular works (penny books, manuscript song collections) of the late Renaissance and Baroque. The author investigates the associations and influences from different fields of culture, considers ancient topoi and archetypes which underwent a great many transformations over space and time. In the first part of this paper are examined some non-traditional figures in the calendar for 1578 (Kolozsvár-Cluj, Heltai’s office) like mermaids/sirens in the role of Aquarius and Virgo, and the appearence of these figures on the painted furniture and ceiling panels of 18th -century Calvinist churches in Hungary.
The second part of this article deals with some typical title pages of calendars, edited in different printing houses of Upper Hungary (by Lorentz Brewer in Lőcse/Levoča, the serie Calendarium Tyrnaviense, Nagyszombat/Trnava) from the second half of the 17th century, and with the calendars of David Frölich, published in Breslau (Wrocław, PL) between 1623 and 1646.
Since the territories of the ancient patriarchate of Aquileia did not share the same historical development, the eastern, Austrian part of the patriarchate, comprising the land of Carniola, but also the southern parts of Styria and Carinthia, must be regarded as a special area within the Aquileian ecclesiastical province. There is a repertoire of 23 poetic (or to some extent poetic) offices preserved in the manuscripts from this region. Its main characteristic appears to be the mixture of south German and Aquileian creations, the latter layer consisting of four offices for four groups of local Aquileian saints. Judging by the sources preserved, these offices circulated only within the patriarchate; however, one of them (the poetic office of the Cancius' family) seems to be unique to the antiphonary from Kranj/Krainburg. The Aquileian offices appear to have come into being in different periods from the late 13th to the late 15th centuries; they therefore disclose different musical characteristics that do not allow us to conceive of them as representing a distinct and stylistically unified group of musical creations. The study has three objectives: presents the repertoire of the poetic offices, analyses the repertoire according to the origin of its items, compares some basic traits of those offices.
On the occasion of Béla Bartók's 125th birthday a meeting of Bartók scholars from all over the world in the Budapest Bartók Archives is an exclusive event. Bartók's name in a way serves as a world passport, it demonstrates the great achievements of a small nation, a phenomenon that politicians abuse. Bartók was an exceptional man whose spirit radiates for those who come in contact with his art and life, with legacy, the manuscripts of his compositions and his ethnomusicological work. The international conferences dedicated to Béla Bartók's oeuvre and world do influence Bartók studies considerably. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences or directly the Bartók Archives have organized several conferences in the past forty-five years. For the 125th anniversary a call for papers on the internet was enough to set dozens of musicologists, including many ambitious young scholars form twenty countries in motion. This is a surprising experience even if if we acknowledge that the perspectives and the rank of Bartók studies considerably improved in the past decade.
The year 1955 has a special importance for the compositional thinking in Hungary, because it was the year in which Ernő Lendvai's studies of Béla Bartók appeared (Bartók's Style and An Introduction to the Analysis of Bartók's Works). These writings were intended to prove the modernity of his music, a modernity that was comparable to Western-European dodecaphony and serialism. Hungarian composers, attempting to liberate themselves from the dictatorical aesthetic theory of the fifties, saw in Lendvai's publications a kind of instruction book, a Kompositionslehre which could help them to renew Hungarian composition. Model scales, Bartók's harmonic formulas and the Golden Section were understood in this context as devices of modernity in new music. Young Hungarian composers had begun to follow Bartók's path as early as in the mid-twenties. Until 1955, however, this had meant only a stylistic imitation of his works: Bartók's musical language represented for them the modern manner of self-expression. The consequence of Lendvai's publications was that composers could move away from style imitation and build on some Bartókian constructional principles in their compositions. I take Endre Szervánszky's Second String Quartet (1956-57) and its manuscript sources as a case study demonstrating how the composer worked with scale models, the golden section and other elements of Lendvai's theory. As I argue, Szervánszky's work is an emblematic but also a complex case, for he strove to combine the Bartókian method with a kind of serialism.
Imre Steindl (1839–1902) is thought to be one of the most prominent architects of the Hungarian Historicism, whose active contribution to the Hungarian Neo-gothic architecture and restoration practices can hardly be overestimated. Albeit, his activity as an architect of the renowned late chief work of the international Gothic Revival, the Hungarian Parliament, as a leader of a prosperous atelier and as a driving force in the public life of the Hungarian architects has been studied intensively, to his work as professor at the Joseph Technical University of Budapest has been so far less attention given. Steindl began to teach as an ordinary professor of medieval architecture in 1870 and shaped the curriculum and educational methods following the traditions of his former alma mater, the Academy Fine Arts of Vienna. In this study, beyond the outline of the long 19th-century Hungarian architectural education and analysis the educational principals typical of Steindl’s methods, the manuscript of the professor’s lecture notes is published and analyzed, with special regard to his historiographical orientation and scholarly reference points. The philological reading of the text points out, that Steindl compiled his lectures in question from the ‘great syntheses’ of the Berlin School of Art History, above all that of Wilhelm Lübke and Karl Schnaase. The detection of this kind of historiographical influence may contribute to the scholarship’s image of Steindl’s, furthermore the late 19th-century Hungarian architectural intelligentsia’s erudition.
The author of the article wishes to compare Hungarian textual and musical folkloristics at the turn of the 20th century with regard to changes in fieldwork methodologies. Hungarian folklore studies in the 19th century preferred text-oriented recording of performances, while by the first half of the 20th century the need for a performance-centered study of folklore with the help of audio recording emerged. Owing to a fundamental change in the method of folklorecollection, Hungarian folklorists studying folk music and folk dance by the middle of the 20th century applied the method of participant observation. In the meantime extensive collection gave way to intensive collection focusing on the repertoire of a given local community or of an outstanding performer. In this process Béla Vikár had a distinguished role as he was the first one to use phonograph in collecting folk poetry and folk music in Hungary, besides which, with the help of stenography, he has a remarkable manuscript legacy of folktales and folk customs as well. The approach and objectives of Béla Bartók and Zoltán Kodály differed from those of Vikár's, since for them quantitative considerations were still important, while Vikár's approach borrowed elements from social sciences as well. The break-through in this respect was marked with the oeuvre of László Lajtha, a disciple of Bartók, who dealt with vocal and instrumental folk music alike. During five decades Lajtha as a collector shifted paradigms a number of times and on the peak of his folklorist oeuvre he published monographs on the vocal and instrumental musical repertoire of bands and villages. His studies inspired György Martin, dance folklorist as well as the revival folk dance movement in the 1970s. The performer-centred study of narration that Gyula Ortutay elaborated on at the beginning of the 1940s proved to be successful primarily in the study of prose epic genres and it unreflexively followed the method of folk musicologists.
György (Đuro) Arnold (1781-1848) the composer, teacher, conductor, lexicographer and founder of the first music school in Subotica, was the regens chori of the Subotica's Sv. Terezija church (1800-48). He was a prolific composer, writing in a variety of genres, from compositions for the church of Sv. Terezija, choral and chamber works to operas, melodramas, songs, overtures, and verbunkos (the complete list of his works is included in the appendix). Arnold's style was influenced by Viennese Classical church music and the emerging Hungarian national style. In his early sacred pieces, he used quotations from popular operas, but in later compositions he was closer to Haydn, and the Te Deum Solenne dedicated to the Zagreb Bishop Aleksandar Alagović shows possible influence of early Beethoven. In many aspects, Arnold was a composer on the periphery. He liked large ensembles which could impress audiences with the brightness of the orchestral sound altough, as far as we know, he never attempted to build a large symphonic form which would match the richness of such a sound. He ususally set the text in short sentences, quickly exhausting its possibilities, undermining the expectations raised by the large-scale gradations which open his compositions. In 1819, Arnold published Pismenik, a collections of texts (without tunes) of Croatian Roman Catholic hymns collected in Bačka (western Vojvodina); the preface to Pismenik and its complete table of contents are reprinted in an appendix. In 1839-40, he completed the hymnal Valóságos egyházi kántori fontos énekeskönyv with 186 church compositions intended for Hungarian and Transylvanian chuch musicians, which remained unpublished. In 1826, Arnold began working on the Historisch-musikalisch bibliographisches Tonkünstler Lexikon, which expanded to four manuscript volumes in length, but remained unpublished and seems to be lost today.
A XV. század közepe táján a kereszténység előtti kultúrák iránti érdeklődés megnövekedésével egyidejűleg emelkedni kezdett a görögül tanulni vágyók száma is Európa latin nyelvű felében. Ezzel párhuzamosan megnőtt az igény a különféle nyelvtanulási segédletek, így a görög–latin szótárak iránt is. Kétnyelvű szótárra többféleképpen lehetett ekkoriban szert tenni, az egyik lehetőséget egy ókori bilinguis szótár, az ún. Pseudo-Kyrillos jelentette. A Pseudo-Kyrillos a magyar kutatás érdeklődését is felkeltette az utóbbi évtizedekben, főként azért, mert egyik példányát Janus Pannonius is beszerezte magának. Az alábbi tanulmány nem ezzel a példánnyal kíván foglalkozni, hanem egy másikkal, amelyet egy bizonyos Benedictus másolt. A szerző arra tesz kísérletet, hogy azonosítsa az illető személyét, nyomon kövesse a példány keletkezésének történetét, valamint feltérképezze a Pseudo-Kyrillos szöveghagyományozódásának egyik ágát.