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l'argomento della mia tesi di laurea in Lingua e Letteratura Italiana, 1 su cui si è basata la mia relazione al congresso internazionale Formal Linguistics and the Teaching of Latin (Venezia,18-20.11.2010), poi pubblicata negli Atti. 2 In questo
Inschrift von 601 oder 602 oder 603 findet, ist er natürlich versucht, sie zu zitieren, und das ist auch öfters passiert. 5 DATENBANKEN Natürlich konsultieren wir auch die jetzt verfügbaren Datenbanken wie die Library of Latin Texts ( LLT ) oder
Vladár, Zsuzsa C. 1989. Sylvester János latin-magyar nyelvtana [Johannes Sylvester’s Latin-Hungarian grammar]. Magyar Nyelvtudományi Társaság, Budapest. Vladár Z. C
INTRODUCTION Relative pronouns underwent complex changes during the shift from Latin into the Romance languages, which affected phonetics, morphology and syntax. A contras- tive analysis of the evidence from antiquity to modern times allows us to
vagy megkérdőjelezni és szükség esetén módosítani lehessen. MÓDSZERTAN, A KUTATÁS ELŐZMÉNYEI A vulgáris latin kutatásában többször felmerül problémaként a feliratos anyag megbízhatósága. Gyakori kritika, hogy nem figyelhető
'une même langue. Tel est notre procédé lorsque nous voulons rendre compte de l'origine des langues romanes ; le problème cependant qui surgit ici, c'est que cette « origine », le latin, s'étale devant nous - â première vue au moins - sous une forme
The paper offers a sample of a Khitan–English–Chinese Wordlist in preparation by scholars from the People’s Republic of China and Hungary. After a preface on general questions, it deals with the glyphs beginning with a- and b- in the Khitan Small Script. This is followed by Khitan words beginning with the first two letters of the Latin alphabet. The aim of the paper is to open a discussion on a future Khitan Etymological Dictionary.
Pindar composed splendid victory odes for Sicilian tyrants, but his statement “I disapprove of the fate of tyrannies” tells us nothing about his attitude towards Hieron or Theron. In its context in the 11th Pythian, it is a comment on the fate of Agamemnon, Klytaimestra and Aigisthos. The poet supplied what his clients commissioned and paid for - it was essentially a business relationship. Pindar’s praise for Hieron und Theron is measured, not flattery; they were not power-greedy despots like Hieron II, Dionysios or Agathokles, let alone the dictators of the 20th and 21st centuries.
The name and the verses of Phaedrus were unknown in the Middle Ages but his fables were widespread in several prosified versions. One of these is the collection of Romulus, which is of great importance because it has preserved some lost Phaedrian fables and various other collections have derived from it. This paper examines the textual tradition of these and of Phaedrus’ fables. I attempt to present some problems about the tradition and offer a solution to these questions.
The purpose of this paper is to uncover similarities and differences between the works of the famous 3rd-century Carthaginian bishop written in adverse of his lapsed and heretic “colleagues”. The former ones are primarily the object of Letters 65 and 67, while the latter ones appear in the De Ecclesiae Unitate and in Letters 69–75. Their comparative analysis is motivated by the fact that in both cases the author’s purpose is to prove that these ecclesiastic leaders had become inconvenient to their office and thus to carry out their job substantially. Causes mentioned by Cyprian are the following: they call wrongfully for the right of performing a sacrifice; their sacraments are invalid because of their sins; they are separated from the Church; their inaptness is proclaimed by both contemporary and former bishops and synods; and finally, they contaminate their followers, so it is necessary to be separated from them. These arguments are formulated concerning both groups, so it can be supposed that in Cyprian’s opinion lapsed and heretic bishops were not sharply different from each other, therefore he may have used the same thoughts about the former group to apply them to the latter one as well.
