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In this paper I shall describe several iconographic documents attesting the resounding success of a few Dionysiac themes and, more generally, the vitality of Dionysism in the Augustan Age. These materials confirm that in the years of the triumph of Augustus no dichotomy between Dionysus and Apollo was perceived. Amidst the late civil war of the Roman Republic what was fearful was Antony regardless of his identification to Dionysus. Indeed, Dionysus, as Liber, civilizing god, benefactor of Mankind and winner of every enemy and threat, represented an ideal model for young Octavianus, in the same way as Romulus, Hercules and the Dioscouri had proven. In particular, the iconographies highlight that even the particular Dionysiac cult practised by Antony, influenced as it was by Hellenistic beliefs, continued to enjoy great status during the years of the new Augustan era. Indeed, in the first years of his government Augustus might well have taken advantage of the semantic of the Hellenistic royalty, implied by the symbolism inherent within the Alexandrine Dionysus triumphant.

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A driving force in Vergil’s Aeneid is the hostility of Juno to the Trojans as they approach, and finally arrive in Italy. The epic in some ways mirrors the opposition encountered by Augustus as the new ruler of Rome. Juno’s opposition to the Trojans has its origin not only in Greek mythology, but in the history of the local peoples of Italy with whom early Romans had to contend. From the outset of the poem she becomes the personification of these opposing forces. Once the Trojans finally reach mainland Italy, she sets in motion a long war, although the one depicted in the Aeneid was not as long as the real wars Romans waged with the Latin League and with the many of the tribes of Italy, including the Veii. The reality of the wars Rome had to contend with are here compared to the relatively brief one depicted in the Aeneid, and the pacification of Juno reflects the merging of the different peoples of Rome with their subjugator.

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Ausonius and Macrobius reflect both the positive image enjoyed by Augustus in the fourth century. They also illustrate the importance of Suetonius in Late Antiquity. The manner in which Ausone shows Augustus is not original. On the other hand Macrobius’Augustus, who is neither affected nor hieratic and supports mockery, implicitly contrasts by his conduct to the solemnity of the ceremony surrounding the emperors of the Lower Empire.

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The life-work of Augustus and its memory is usually illustrated by the Res gestae as well as the historical pieces of Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio. This cultural memory omits the Augustus-portrait of the chapters 147–150 of Book 7 of the Naturalis Historia, which summarize the life or more exactly the misfortunes of the life of Rome’s first emperor. This anti-Res gestae divi Augusti is unique not only in ancient literature but in the context of the Naturalis Historia as well. Critics have advocated different explanations. This paper is devoted to an analysis of these chapters in the context of the textual unit that organically contains them, and which culminates in them.

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We find three definitions of the saeculum in the Roman world. The Etruscan Century is based on the lives of the human beings and of the different cities in Etruria. We find an echo of these theories in the Roman divination There are two definitions of the century in Rome, a century of 100 and a century of 110 years. This theory, elaborated by the Quindecemviri sacris faciundis and Ateius Capito, has been taken into consideration to celebrate the Secular Games in 17 AD. In fact, the reign of Augustus has been considered as the return of the Golden Age in Italy and in the Roman world, with the end of the civil wars. In Vergil’s poetry, we find a historical conception of the Hesiodic Golden Age. Announced in the fourth Eclogue, the Golden age is localized in the Latium (Georgica) under the power of Augustus (Aeneid).

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Augustus felt an urgent need to justify the honours conferred on his adoptive sons, Gaius and Lucius Caesar, and the positions attributed to them, before the period of time provided by law, on the basis of merit (… he never recommended his sons for office without adding “If they be worthy of it”, Suet. Aug. 56). The aim of this paper is to examine some epigraphic documents showing how the principes iuventutis were celebrated by eastern communities adhering to the dynastic model identified through the political choices of the princeps at a time when Gaius and Lucius’ very young age suggested more caution in appointing them for public honors.

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In my paper I examine the use of Sibylline Books during Augustus’ reign. I discuss the role of the Sibyl as well as the collection attributed to her in terms of cultural changes and cultural paraphrases. According to my opinion the prophetess had mainly cultural, not ritual significance. I argue for treating the interventions onto corpus of official Sibylline Books made by Augustus in the category of creating the new cultural identity for the inhabitants of the Empire.

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In this study, I analyze the literary picture of the emperor Augustus as it is depicted in the rhetorical works of Seneca the Elder. Based on both direct and indirect references in Seneca’s collection of the examples of rhetorical tools published under the heading Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae, divisiones, colores, which is better known as Controversiae and Suasoriae, I call into question the usually accepted idea that Seneca admired Augustus for his respect for freedom of speech.

Augustus is mostly (6 out of 9 times) mentioned in a private or a schooling environment which is reflected in the stylized and idealized portrait of a learned, brisk, and witty, but also of a very perceptive man, who can fairly be described as “a master of bon mot and a man with a big heart”. Four times he is, in these anecdotes, but out of the anecdotic frame, referred to as a publicly active man. Although Augustus as princeps makes the impression of a noble, clement, and admirable man, the tension and fear his power arouses in orators starts to penetrate his idealized depiction. In the remaining references, he is inadvertently and furtively criticized. The criticism concerns the individuals close to Augustus who assist him in performing his duties, especially their low origin, as these were often freedmen and other careerists of low social rank. Another issue, for which Augustus is criticized, are the unforgettable injustices committed during the Second Triumvirate. Seneca’s indirect commentaries concerning this matter are very exasperated and wrathful, which suggests that he perceived Augustus’ time as the period of the loss of democracy and endangered law. These prove that Seneca the Elder coped with the new situation only unwillingly and with difficulties. The pessimism present in his works is not a common place, but a reflection of the real situation Romans had to face.

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the apotheosis of Augustus and the honors pertaining thereto: “the Tribunes of the Plebs, being sacrosancti, were responsible for the organization of the Augustalia ”, τά τϵ Αὐγουστάλια οἱ δήμαρχοι ὡς καὶ ἱϵροπρϵπϵῖς ὄντϵς διατιθῶσι

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Contrarily to most traditional accounts on the foundation of the Republic, Dionysius describes the passage from the Tarquins’ monarchy to the Republic as a lawful constitutional reform, in which L. Junius Brutus played a pivotal role. In my paper I analyze the speech that Brutus delivers to the Roman patricians to endorse the establishment of a new government in Rome. The new constitution, although remaining essentially monarchical, will keep its autocratic nature concealed from the people. Throughout this paper, I show how Dionysius in his presentation of Brutus picked up elements both related to the senatorial propaganda against M. Junius Brutus — Caesar’s murderer, who claimed descent from L. Brutus and the tyrannicide Ahala — and, at the same time, the character of Augustus’s newly-founded government. This account may thus be regarded as Dionysius’ own elaboration of Augustus’s constitutional reform.

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