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prefix ‘e- . 13 As witnessed in Table 4 (based on Elbert & Pukui 1979 , 158–160), the interpretation of ‘e- as an affix is corroborated by the fact that it is replaced by another morpheme in distributive

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whole phrase's distribution – negation ( no student ), person ( you students ), definiteness, number ( these student s, some sheep ), distributivity ( every student ).” ( Hudson 1990 , 271) The

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looking out [many times]’) or to form distributive numerals (cf. Brdar et al., 2023 [to appear] ). 5 Conclusion and outlook Evidence for interactions between Hungarian and the languages of the Volga-Kama Sprachbund from morphosyntax remains plausible, but

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“abstraction” (from whole words to morphological components, rather than the opposite), which offers itself to formalization in terms of information theory. But although, according to this view, one assumes a distributive activation to which all forms of the

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. Champollion , Lucas . 2017 . Parts of a whole: Distributivity as a bridge between aspect and measurement . Oxford : Oxford University Press

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( 1 ). 15 – 27 . Ross , Alf . 1941 . Imperatives and logic . Theoria 7 . 53 – 71 . Russell , Bertrand . 1905 . On denoting . Mind 14 . 441 – 478 . Scha , Remko . 1981 . Distributive, collective and cumulative quantification . In J. A

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understood to mean that the months, the hours, and the forints are short, long, and symbolic distributively, i.e. the adjective refers to each unit individually. It is especially strange with adjectives meaning smallness or negligibility combined with a

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This paper argues that subjecthood is a relevant concept in the grammar of (Mandarin) Chinese, i.e., Chinese is subject-prominent as well as topic-prominent, and the most appropriate way of characterising subjects is by determining their regular structural position in clause structure. Subjects are claimed to occupy a structural position distinct from, and to the right of, the typical position associated with topics. This position, furthermore, is shown to stand to the left of the whole predicate phrase, as well as preposed distributive-universal quantifiers, associated with the function word dou. The structural analysis is set in the clause-structural model of Beghelli-Stowell (1995, 1997). Apparent counterexamples to the linking of subjects to the determined subject position are discussed, too, and shown to pose no problem to the proposal laid out here.

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The topic of my paper is the syntax and the quantificational force of free-choice items (FCIs) in Hungarian. FCIs such as any have been at the forefront of research interest in the past decades (e.g., Ladusaw 1979; Kadmon & Landman 1993; Giannakidou 2001). The close interdependence of syntactic, semantic and even pragmatic considerations makes the study of FCIs one of the most interesting research programmes. Earlier investigations of the syntax and semantics of FCIs in Hungarian include Hunyadi (1991; 2002), Abrusán (2007) and Szabó (2012). In my paper, I show that FCIs in Hungarian occupy the syntactic position associated with distributive quantifiers (É. Kiss 2010). Furthermore, I examine the quantificational force of FCIs by the well-known battery of quantification tests (for a previous application for Hungarian, cf. Surányi 2006): almost-modification, modification by exceptive phrase, donkey anaphora, predicative use, is-modification, incorporation and split reading with modals. My findings of mixed quantificational behaviour provide further corroboration for the analysis of FCIs as quantificationally underspecified intensional dependent indefinites.

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, Seth. 2013 . Distributive numerals and distance distributivity in Tlingit (and beyond) . Lingbuzz/001814. Caponigro , Ivano and Anamaria Falaus . 2017 . Free choice free relative clauses in Italian and Romanian . Natural Language and

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