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As Augustus returned to Rome in 13 BC, the Senate passed a constitutio to build in his honor a lasting altar of peace, the Ara Pacis Augustae, to signal with a major ceremony the new peace all over the Roman world, Gibbon’s Pax Romana. As we know from Ovid Fast. 1. 709–714, 3. 881–882, the Ara Pacis was the site of two annual sacrifices (on 30 Jan. and 30 March) to Pax, an innovation of the Augustan Age, for formerly Pax had been a minor goddess without a temple. The Augustan regime elevated a new form of Pax as a religious cult and made it acceptable to the Roman people, who had regarded Pax as the phenomenon of a foreign power too beaten down to resist Roman arms any longer and had no use for pacifism (in the modern sense), which would be seen only as cowardly in their dangerous world.

Augustus had started this process, perhaps not intentionally, back when he closed the Gates of Janus in 29. By bringing together Greco-Roman elements of Pax with Jupiter and Janus, he was able to forge a new religious cult to Pax Augusta that could appeal to the average Roman by its promise of prosperity and the absence of civil war. Foreign war was perfectly acceptable and not incompatible with this cult, but the emphasis was on domestic harmony and old traditional religious practices, even if the average listener could not understand some of these obligatory, archaic chants. For this reason, the third closing of the Gates of Janus very likely accompanied one of the Ara Pacis ceremonies.

Augustus also built on precedents from his divine father Julius, who had founded the towns Forum Iulii Pacatum (Fréjus, France) and Pax Iulia (Beja, Portugal) and issued Pax imagery on coinage to gain the moral high ground during the civil war. Augustus went one step further with larger sets of Pax coin issues to tell the people that he, not Antony, was trying to maintain peace when Cleopatra wanted war, and then a sequel after Actium that demonstrated his ability to prevail and restore order. The image of Pax Augusta evolved as it developed, but the epitome is the goddess we see on the East side of the Ara Pacis, surrounded by fertility and prosperity, in a state of security. Rome too would enjoy the same benefits.

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It appears that there is little to add to the research of the textual connections between the first chapters of the Annales and the Res Gestae Divi Augusti . Philologists and classical historians have maintained for a long time that Tacitus used the autobiography of Augustus. On the other hand, the untrue claims of the Res Gestae are obvious, its historical unreliability is supported by its historiographical reception as well. If the Annales uses and cites this work as a source, that can be said at least astonishing. This paper looks for the parallels at the level of structure . Thus we can read the Tacitean text as a rhetorically formal speech, answering the autobiography of Augustus.

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The guiding idea of my article is to see the mythical and political ideology conveyed by the western side of the Ara Pacis Augustae in a (hopefully) new light. The Augustan ideology of power is in the modest opinion of the author intimately intertwined with the myths and legends concerning the Primordia Romae. Augustus strove very hard to be seen by his contemporaries as the Novus Romulus and as the providential leader (fatalis dux, an expression loved by Augustan poetry) under the protection of the traditional Roman gods and especially of Apollo, the Greek god who has been early on adopted (and adapted) by Roman mythology and religion.

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If Augustus claims to be, as it is well-known, a new Romulus, he has also tried to set up his action and public image with regards to current collective representations related to other kings of Rome. Thus, his major religious policy helps him to become a new Numa, while particular attention he paid to priesthood, temple, and fecial rites get him as much closer to Tullus Hostilius than Ancus Marcius. As far as the second part of the royal period is concerned, it is much raised in his historical memory policy: his interest in Sibylline Books, but also in major projects carried out in Rome during his reign have contributed to see him as a new Tarquin, while censuses and both administrative and religious reorganisations of the Rome’s urban space the Princeps conducted remind us of a new Servius Tullius. Augustus systematically using the royal memory of Rome allowed him to hide the monarchical tropism of Hellenistic type of his regime under the guise of a return to oldest national traditions.

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Az ókori római művészettörténet egyik leggyakrabban vizsgált műalkotása az Ara Pacis Augustae. Az avatatlan szem egy kiválóan formált, részletes, domborművek sokaságát felvonultató, páratlan műalkotást lát, azonban a történettudomány és a különböző társtudományok ezen apró részletekből az Augustus-kor kiváló lenyomatát tudják nyújtani. Az Ara Pacis reliefj einek részletgazdagsága miatt mind a római politikatörténet, mind a vallás- és eszmetörténet kutatásának kiváló forrása. Jelen tanulmány elsődleges célja állást foglalni az ikonográfiai sajátosságok és a szakirodalom segítségével abban a kérdésben, hogy ki a panel főalakja.

Ara Pacis Augustae is the most frequently studied work of art in the ancient Roman history of art. The uninitiated eye sees an exquisitely crafted, detailed, multitude of reliefs, a unique work of art, but history and different collaborative sciences can render an excellent imprint of Augustus era from these tiny details. Owing to the Ara Pacis’ chiselled reliefs, it is an excellent source for political history, history of religion, and ideology. The aim of this study is to take sides in the question of who is the main figure of the panel by dint of the iconographic features and recent literature.

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Summary

Augustus' approach to cults of foreign origins has recently undergone much reconsideration. Until the late 20th century, scholars largely regarded the emperor's religious policies as deeply conservative, maintaining that Augustus was mostly preoccupied with the ‘restoration’ of ancient Italian religion and discouraged the worship of foreign gods. In the last three decades, however, scholars have identified a rather different trend, noticing, in fact, Augustus' openness towards the ‘foreign’. In this paper, I explore Augustus' position about ‘foreign’ rites that were highly popular in contemporary Rome, and specifically, the Eleusinian Mysteries, the Egyptian rites, the cult of Mater Magna, and the cult of Apollo (although, as I clarify below, the last one cannot be strictly labeled as ‘foreign’). I offer a survey of ancient literary sources – giving an interpretation of them as comprehensive as possible considering the nature of this contribution – and argue that Augustus was not only receptive of ‘foreign’ practices but was also able to shape the ‘foreign’ to his own advantage and self-promotion, transforming it into a vital feature of the new imperial reality.

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Propertius Kr. e. 16-ban keletkezett actiumi elégiája (IV 6) — az Aeneis pajzsleírásának egy utalását leszámítva — az első szöveg, amely a Kr. e. 28-ban fölszentelt palatiumi épületegyüttest az actiumi csata eseményéhez köti. A tanulmány azt vizsgálja, hogy a Propertius-költemény hogyan kapcsolódik a templom és könyvtár épületéhez, az elégia hogyan építi föl a kulturális-politikai emlékezet terét. Először a verset meghatározó gyűrűs szerkezet pontos föltárására tesz kísérletet, majd a propertiusi Augustus-kép néhány vonását tárja föl, végül pedig azt kutatja, hogy Propertius, illetve Horatius szövegeiben hogyan jelenik meg a kor kánonteremtő igénye, az irodalmi nyilvánosság kérdése, a Bibliotheca Apollinis Palatini kulturális üzenete.

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A fejedelemtükör jellegzetesen kora középkori születésű irodalmi műfajnak számított. Azóta bebizonyították, hogy az európai irodalmi kultúra egyik legősibb formája, amelynek gyökerei az ókori Kelet bölcsességirodalmába nyúlnak vissza, ahol korai időtől ismert az uralkodónak fiához intézett személyes tanítása. Ennek a formának azonban a görög irodalomban sokáig nem volt meg a helye, mert az eleutheria fogalma ellentmondott a monarchikus hatalom apáról fiúra való hagyományozásának. Némileg hasonló a helyzet a korai Rómában is, ahol az arisztokratikus társadalomban elegendő bizonyos megfellebbezhetetlennek tartott erkölcsi fogalmak hangoztatása. Változás a Mediterráneum meghódításának szakaszában következik majd be, amikor a régi társadalmi keretek megrendülnek, s fontossá válik a civis bonus eszményének körvonalazása, amely szülői vagy rokoni tanításként jelenik meg (Cato, Sempronia, Q. és M. Cicero). Az új monarchikus rendszer megteremtője Augustus maga is mint parens patriae fekteti le a jó kormányzás alapelveit „fiainak”, a római polgároknak. Igazi fordulat ezután következik be, amikor az uralkodói ideál a görögökhöz hasonlóan egy általánosabb műveltség: a filozófia és a történetírás része lesz. A latin nyelvű hagyományban később is megmarad a bölcs számára a tanácsadás az uralkodónak, s ez érvényes a keresztény monarchia megszületésének időszakára is. A monarcha személyének felmagasztalása a költők, a grammaticusok és a rhetorok, az egyházatyák feladata lesz, akiknek az Istenhez hasonlóan kell dicsőiteniük a földi helytartót. A Frank Birodalomban ez a hagyomány éled újjá, ami érvényes Nagy Károly idejére is. Később, amikor felerősödik a gelasiusi kettős hatalom késő antik felfogása, teljesen egyértelművé válik, hogy az egyháznak kell elvégeznie az uralkodó tanítását. A Német-Római Szent Birodalom theokratikus hatalmával azonban egy új uralkodói tükör alakul ki, amely valójában Szent István Intelmeivel következik be, aki személyes királyi tanításával valóban vicarius Deiként jelenik meg, s átveszi az Egyház szerepét az utód felkészítésében.

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According to the earliest testimonies the Culex was attributed to the young Vergil. Recollecting the most important contributions, the author of the paper gives a wide overview about the problematics of this enigmatic Hellenistic epyllion. She focuses on the authorship and possible date of composition, and the person of addressee of the poem.

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The placement of Helenus, the Trojan seer, near the end of Pythagoras’ speech in Ovid’s Metamorphoses 15, humorously comments on the Augustan projection of Rome’s predestined world conquest. In Metamorphoses 15, the philosopher Pythagoras casts himself in the light of the Vergilian Helenus. Among the various common characteristics Helenus and Pythagoras share outstanding is their metaliterary identity as conveyed in an interfusion of comprehensive knowledge, communication of uncontested truth but also adherence to deception: the Ovidian Pythagoras’ speech is ridden with inaccurate information and chronological fallacies, while Ovid’s Helenus is in fact the Vergilian Helenus, a confused individual who lives in the deceptive contentment of an a-chronic world of ghosts. By means of undermining the infallibility of prophesying through the lack of credibility of the prophet, Ovid undermines the standardization of the literary motif of epic prophecies about Rome’s world conquest, a much advertized theme in the various expressions of Augustan ideology of global conquest.

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