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Dual-use items, including software and technology, can be used for both civil and military purposes. Export control of such items is an important constituent part of security policies of exporter states. These measures are aimed at avoiding proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.1 The nature of dual-use goods intrigues imposition of control over exporting them to unfriendly countries or those ‘sensitive’ in terms of their ambiguous considerations of foreign policies.2 Some category of goods may be banned for export, whilst others are legitimate products that further technological development and strengthen international economic ties. The aim of the exporter states is to seek balance between safeguarding security objectives whilst not undermining competitiveness of local businesses. The paper explores the EU framework for regulating exports of dual-use goods as well as the EU participation in the international export controls regimes.

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This article would like to serve as an addition to the perceived historical picture of Hungary in the Anglo-Saxon world, relying on articles published in British but mainly in American daily newspapers and magazines in the 1920s and 1930s. While some of the articles were by Hungarian authors or authors with Hungarian origins, the majority was not and, so they give a good indication about the impressions that Anglo-Saxon peoples were both having and getting about Interwar Hungary. One can find voices from both the Left and Right of the political spectrum, positive and negative interpretations of Hungary alike in such well-known periodicals as The New Republic and Foreign Affairs, or lesser known outlets as The Living Age or Current History. In addition, the study invites the opinion of several American ministers who served in Hungary in the examined period. There unpublished opinions about their host country add further nuances to the picture of Hungary and Hungarians in American minds. These opinions together, ranging from domestic policies to the foreign policy issues that all sprang from the Paris peace treaties, also contributed to the larger understanding of Hungarian political and cultural issues. This picture is a colorful one, spanning from politics to economics, from cultural to psychological aspects.

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Kléruchiák és határkövek

Az athéni külpolitika vallási aspektusai a Kr. e. V. században

Antik Tanulmányok
Author:
Gyula Lindner

Athén hódításaiból nemcsak az athéni polgárok, hanem maguk az istenek is profitáltak. A Kr. e. V. század során ugyanis Athén a meghódított, olykor kléruchiává szervezett területeken a konfiskált földekből az isteneknek is (Athéné, Apollón, Poseidón stb.) dedikált parcellákat. Erről számos esetben tanúskodnak az adott területen (Aigina, Chalkis, Samos, Kós) talált határkövek (horoi), amelyek jelzik, hogy a földterület az istenség szentélykörzetének a részét képezi, akár úgy is, mint mezőgazdasági művelés alá vont temenos. Ezeket a földbirtokokat gyakran bérbe adták, és a befolyt bérleti díjat az istenség kultuszhelyének a finanszírozására fordították. A tanulmány az athéni expanzív külpolitika ezen vallási aspektusait vizsgálja a rendelkezésre álló irodalmi és epigráfiai források tükrében.

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Political liberalisation in Jordan was launched as a regime survival strategy in 1989 by the late King Hussein. In spite of his efforts, 18 years later the Jordanian monarchy is considered as a semi-authoritarian system. This article explores the prospects for further political liberalisation under King Abdullah II, whose vision on the development of Jordan is full of enthusiasm. The author argues that Jordan is one of the most-advanced countries in the region in terms of political reform, but it has performed poorly in comparison to other developing states. King Abdullah promotes the “Jordan model” in order to win the support of the international audience: Western-oriented foreign policy, economic liberalisation allowing multinational companies to invest in Jordan, launching the Ministry of Political Development, and holding general elections in 2003. Political developments in Jordan echoed with the so-called “developmental state” paradigm, prioritising economic reform first, while postponing political transformation. National elections are expected to be held at the end of this year under a controversial election law. The recently passed political parties law is a proof of a de-liberalising monarchy, which is trying to preserve the loyalty of independent candidates, while marginalising the role of political parties. This paper deals with the external and the internal factors of political liberalisation in Jordan.

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For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

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Beard, Ch. (1934): The Idea of National Interest: An Analytical Study in American Foreign Policy . New York: Macmillan, 1934. Beard Ch

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The Treaty of Trianon was the peace settlement that the victors of World War I imposed on Hungary after the war. The treaty's severity was unprecedented in modern European history. By dismembering the multi-ethnic “historic Kingdom of Hungary” the treaty left Hungarians less than a third of their former territory and transferred 3.3 million of them to neighboring states. Not surprisingly, Trianon came as a shock to the Hungarian people and constituted an enduring blow to the Magyar national psyche. During the next quarter century, Hungarians were obsessed with the idea of reversing this dictum and the primary objective of their foreign policies was the creation of international conditions in which the revision of Trianon could become possible. For this purpose the regime in Budapest sought allies, as this aim could be attained only with outside help. By the first half of 1941 this search had led to Hungary's entanglement in an alliance with Nazi Germany. Once Hungary became a partner in the Nazi war, the danger emerged that if the country did not toe the German line, Hitler would reverse the frontier adjustments that he had rendered earlier in Hungary's favor. Already during the late summer of 1941 some of Hungary's statesmen realized that the Third Reich might not win the war, but their plans to limit their contribution to the Nazi war effort and to prepare for defection from the Axis were frustrated by the fear that, if they abandoned or weakened the alliance with Berlin, no more “lost” Hungarian lands could be regained and lands already recovered might be forfeited again.

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. Åslund , A. ( 2013 ): Paul Krugman’s Blind Spot. Foreign Policy , November 8. Åslund , A. ( 2015 ): Revisiting the Latvian and Greek Financial Crises: The

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Kosovo Crisis . London : Pluto Press . Herman , E. ( 1993 ): The Media’s Role in US Foreign Policy . Journal of International Affairs 47 ( 1 ): 23 – 45

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Az Európai Unió energiapolitikai integrációját lassú, szerves fejlődés jellemzi, megtorpanásokkal és újbóli nekilendülésekkel. A stratégiai ágazatnak számító energiaszektorban az eltérő érdekstruktúrájú tagállamok különösen éberen őrzik szuverenitásukat, így a közösségi kompetenciák kialakulása a többi területhez képest lassabban, nehézkesebben valósul meg. Napjainkban azonban olyan kihívásokkal (gazdasági-pénzügyi, környezeti és energiaválsággal) szembesül az EU, amelyek lépéskényszerbe hozhatják az akadozó energiaügyi együttműködést. Mint Jacques Delors rávilágít, ezek a krízisek kitörési lehetőséget is kínálnak, a válságból kivezető utat ugyanis a fenntartható fejlődésen és a harmadik évezred technológiáin alapuló új ipari forradalomban betöltendő vezető szerepe jelentheti Európa számára (Delors 2010). Az energiapolitika tehát fontos területe lehet Európa gazdasági-társadalmi megújulásának. A közös politikákra építő (piaci) integráció kiteljesítése mellett az energiaszektorban jelentős szerep jut az ágazatspecifikus, kormányközi logikát képviselő együttműködéseknek, és a tapasztalatok azt mutatják, hogy ezek a folyamatok kölcsönösen ösztönzőleg hatnak egymásra. Elemzésünkben azt vizsgáljuk, hogy a jelzett integrációs jelenségek miként értelmezhetőek az integrációelméletek keretei között, és milyen formában érhetők tetten az Európai Unió energiaügyi külkapcsolataiban. A „közös hang”, az egységes külső energiapolitika igényének megfogalmazódása ugyanis – közös külpolitika és energiapolitika híján – az energiaügyi integráció sajátos jelenségének tekinthető, amelynek vizsgálata fontos adalékkal szolgálhat a kormányközi területek integrációs problémájának és összességében az európai integráció sokrétű folyamatának megértéséhez.

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