within the kingdom by passing into law a "mini-compromise", the so-called Nagodba of 1868. This arrangement, however, was embraced by only a minority of Croatian politicians, and the Hungarian government had often violated at least the spirit, if not
The paper proposes a short reflection on the nature of the post war political transformation in Sierra Leone, taking the visual signs of the streets as a starting point. The author observed the post-conflict democratisation process over five years, between 2008 and 2012, and describes how reading the political slogans, bill boards and popular graffitis allowed her following the subtle socio-economic changes characterising the country. The underlying argument is that the largely externally led liberal peace building using foreign and local NGOs as engines of a deep social transformation was based on abstract promises that ultimately failed to realise. Without effectively changing people’s lives, these abstract promises normalised a value system that prepared a capitalist take offbut ten years after the end of the civil war capitalist development still worked only for a tiny minority, making many people doubt about the benevolent nature of globalisation.
I provide a synchronic account of the variation between the marked and unmarked forms of the 1SG.INDEF of Hungarian (-ik) verbs; verbs that end in (-ik) in the 3SG.INDEF. I use a generalised mixed-effects regression analysis to explore how these forms vary in an extensive sample of the language, the Hungarian Webcorpus. I find that verbs' preference for the marked/unmarked form is determined by their lemma frequency and their prototypicality as members of the (-ik) class. These results are consistent with a morphological levelling account of variation in Hungarian verbal morphology, in which verbs migrate away from the minority (-ik) class and into the majority regular class. This suggests a picture of variation in Hungarian verbs that is shaped by lexical organisation, morphophonology, and social dynamics.
New museology, emerging in the 1970s, reached critical museology in the early 2000s. A few peculiar examples of participatory museology can be found when looking back to decades of tradition at the Skanzen Hungarian Open Air Museum. It was a long transformation from an essentially architectural museum into a social museum. In my paper I reflect on some examples of this history.
Open air museums represent one of the most popular and sought-after museum types in the world, with significant ethnographic and historical collections, visitor-friendly exhibitions, and a wide range of programs related to these exhibitions. It is a common phenomenon in the museum world that social problems and sensitive issues first appear in education programs, then in research and collection strategy, and finally in exhibition politics. And so it was at the Skanzen. The tendency began in the early 21st century, when, connected to the Trianon syndrome, it materialized in the research related to the preparation of the Transylvanian building complex, then to the social traumas of 20th-century peasant society. The minority existence, being a Hungarian outside the country’s borders, is a cornerstone of the interpretation of the Transylvanian building complex. The analysis of 20th-century changes and research and collections related to the yet-to-be-built 20th-century rural building complex touched upon the history of the disappearance of peasant society as well.
Serbia was an Ottoman province for almost four centuries; after some rebellions, the First and Second Uprising, she received the status of autonomous principality in 1830, and became independent in 1878. Due to the historical and cultural circumstances, the first stage music form was komad s pevanjem (theater play with music numbers), following with the first operas only at the beginning of the twentieth century. Contrary to the usual practice to depict “golden age” of medieval national past, like in many other traditions of national opera, the earliest Serbian operas were dedicated to the recent past and coexistence with Ottomans. Thus the operas Na uranku (At dawn, 1904) by Stanislav Binički (1872–1942), Knez Ivo od Semberije (Prince Ivo of Semberia, 1911) by Isidor Bajić (1878–1915), both based on the libretti by the leading Serbian playwright Branislav Nušić, and also Zulumćar (The Hooligan, librettists: Svetozar Ćorović and Aleksa Šantić, 1927) by Petar Krstić (1877–1957), presented Serbia from the first decades of the nineteenth century. Later Serbian operas, among which is the most significant Koštana (1931, revised in 1940 and 1948) by Petar Konjović (1883–1970), composed after the theatre play under the same name by the author Borisav Stanković, shifts the focus of exoticism, presenting a life of a south-Serbian town in 1880. Local milieu of Vranje is depicted through tragic destiny of an enchanting beauty, a Roma singer Koštana, whose exoticism is coming from her belonging to the undesirable minority. These operas show how the national identity was constructed – by libretto, music and iconography – through Oriental Self. The language (marked by numerous Turkish loan words), musical (self)presentation and visual image of the main characters of the operas are identity signifiers, which show continuity as well as perception of the Ottoman cultural imperial legacy.
minority and the environmental catastrophes inflicted on neighbouring countries. This is why today's security policy has a much different content than it did between the two wars. It means that until there exists a unified Europe, and there is a unified
Music 16 , 84 – 98 .
G iurchescu , Anca 2001 : Gypsy Dancing in Southern Romania . In : Glasba in Manjsine/Music and Minorities, Proceedings of the 1 st International Meeting of the International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM), Study
a:86–87), and on the other, by the processes of minority and ethnic policies at different levels. After the regime change, changes affecting minority rights included the incorporation of the right of national and ethnic minorities to self- governance