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The study examines one of the shield-descriptions of Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica. Its main aim is to demonstrate that Valeris Flaccus altered Canthus’ story in accordance with his literary purposes. The poet depicts the shield of Canthus in the catalogue of the Argonauts mentioning that the hero had inherited this famous shield from his father, Abas, albeit according to the mythology he is not known to have any shield. The paper displays how many other Abases there were in Greek mythology and in Roman literature having a shield and it is argued that Valerius Flaccus was influenced by the coincidence of names and transformed the original story of Canthus (which can be read in Apollonius Rhodius) in order to imitate his literary models: Vergil, Ovid and the Iliad. Furthermore, the author rewrites the story of Canthus so that the Argonaut can be paralleled with Patroclus. Consequently, Canthus must be an important person of the epic which is highlighted by Valerius Flaccus in several ways and his shield has to have a literary function.

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A Georgica legvégének dulcis alebat Parthenope sorát (IV, 563–564) a Serviusig visszanyúló olvasati hagyomány hol a Szirének egyikével, Neapolis/Parthenopolis védőistenségével hozza kapcsolatba; hol a szűzi tisztasága miatt Partheniasnak nevezett költőre utaló autoreferenciális játékot vél felfedezni benne. Az életrajzi és a lokális tradíción alapuló korábbi értelmezések kiegészítéséül a tanulmány a hely metapoetikus olvasatának lehetőségét veti fel. Parthenope megidézése a sphragisban az erotikus elbeszéléseiben a mítosz megújításával kísérletező, Vergiliusszal és Galluszal szoros kapcsolatban álló Parthenios előtti tisztelgésként is értelmezhető. Az Erótika pathémata latin utóéletének kutatása döntően az elegikusokra és Ovidiusra korlátozódik, noha a Georgica rejtett mitológiai allúzióinak hátterében ugyancsak jellegzetes partheniosi narratív sémák sejlenek fel. Vergilius rövid, többnyire szerelmi szenvedéstörténeten alapuló aitionjai tekinthetők egyes partheniosi történetvázak erkölcsi téttel kiegészülő, egységes világképbe rendeződő újraírásának is.

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At the end of the Georgics Virgil represents himself as someone nursed by sweet Parthenope (IV 536: dulcis alebat / Parthenope). According to the rather obscure tradition which goes back to Servius, Parthenope would be an allusion to one of the Sirens, patron divinity of Naples-Parthenopolis, which was the favourite place of the poet. Nevertheless, Parthenope used to be considered as a self-referential joke on the nickname of Virgil, called Parthenias (a virgin) because of his moral excellence. The paper offers a new metapoetic reading of the passage which wishes to complete the earlier interpretations based on biographical data and local tradition. The allusion should also be regarded as a statement about inspiration. By suggesting a new approach to the mythology (see the Muse replaced by the Siren), the name of Parthenope appears to create an homage to Parthenius of Nicaea and to his strange collection of erotic myths. The studies about the impact of the Erotica pathemata on Latin poetry generally focus on the Elegiacs and Ovid. Nevertheless, it cannot be excluded that the mythological allusions of the Georgics about the origins of plants, animals, etc. may be influenced by some typical narrative patterns of Parthenius. The series of these virgilian aetological notes alluding to tragic love stories of Greek mythology seems to prepare the great Orpheus myth of Book IV. On the other hand, Virgil’s short allusions might transmit a concept of human passion, which sometimes is rather similar to the emotional world of the Parthenian narratives, but which is always much more rich in ethical concerns.

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As Augustus returned to Rome in 13 BC, the Senate passed a constitutio to build in his honor a lasting altar of peace, the Ara Pacis Augustae, to signal with a major ceremony the new peace all over the Roman world, Gibbon’s Pax Romana. As we know from Ovid Fast. 1. 709–714, 3. 881–882, the Ara Pacis was the site of two annual sacrifices (on 30 Jan. and 30 March) to Pax, an innovation of the Augustan Age, for formerly Pax had been a minor goddess without a temple. The Augustan regime elevated a new form of Pax as a religious cult and made it acceptable to the Roman people, who had regarded Pax as the phenomenon of a foreign power too beaten down to resist Roman arms any longer and had no use for pacifism (in the modern sense), which would be seen only as cowardly in their dangerous world.

Augustus had started this process, perhaps not intentionally, back when he closed the Gates of Janus in 29. By bringing together Greco-Roman elements of Pax with Jupiter and Janus, he was able to forge a new religious cult to Pax Augusta that could appeal to the average Roman by its promise of prosperity and the absence of civil war. Foreign war was perfectly acceptable and not incompatible with this cult, but the emphasis was on domestic harmony and old traditional religious practices, even if the average listener could not understand some of these obligatory, archaic chants. For this reason, the third closing of the Gates of Janus very likely accompanied one of the Ara Pacis ceremonies.

Augustus also built on precedents from his divine father Julius, who had founded the towns Forum Iulii Pacatum (Fréjus, France) and Pax Iulia (Beja, Portugal) and issued Pax imagery on coinage to gain the moral high ground during the civil war. Augustus went one step further with larger sets of Pax coin issues to tell the people that he, not Antony, was trying to maintain peace when Cleopatra wanted war, and then a sequel after Actium that demonstrated his ability to prevail and restore order. The image of Pax Augusta evolved as it developed, but the epitome is the goddess we see on the East side of the Ara Pacis, surrounded by fertility and prosperity, in a state of security. Rome too would enjoy the same benefits.

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The artist who painted the rococo frescoes on the walls and ceiling of the Keglevich mansion in Pétervására was Jakab Beller as the signature on the wall of the entrance “J. Beller pinx.” indicates. Very few of the works by Beller – most frequently called in the sources “the painter of Gyöngyös” – survive. Apart from the Pétervására frescoes, only the signed and dated picture of the high altar in the St Urban church of Gyöngyös can safely be attributed to him. Further information can be had in sources about his activity in the 1760s and ‘70s: about decorating the rooms of the one-time inn of Gyöngyöspüspöki commissioned by bishop Ferenc Barkóczy (1760) and the ordinary painting work done in Colonel Sámuel Haller’s house in Gyöngyös, about helping with portraits, painting decors, gilding frames, painting window shutters, etc. Thus Beller’s oeuvre is full of hiatuses, but his biography can still be enriched with newly explored data.

The pertinent entries in the parish register of the St Bartholomew parish of Gyöngyös reveal that Beller married Maria Anna Gergelyi on 12 April 1761. They had four children between 1764 and 1770. Kristóf Quadri from Lugano, the architect of the Keglevich mansion in Pétervására was godfather to some of them. This close relationship might reinforce the hypothesis that Beller and Quadri were compatriots. Beller died in Gyöngyös on 6 March 1777, at the age of 42. It is not known when and where he had come from, and his schooling is still in obscurity. His name is not included in the lists of students at the Vienna Art Academy. His set of motifs is mostly based on the illustrative material of then circulated publications, books, prints.

Count Gábor I. Keglevich (1710–1769) began having a country house built in his estate at Pétervására around 1760; the ceremonial hall was probably decorated in the 1760s. The popular graphic sheets had a great role in the design of the mythological themes required by the owner, as precedents to all of them can be tracked down among the prints. The assembly of Olympian gods depicted on the ceiling adopted a ceiling composition by Simon Vouet only known in an engraving. It used to adorn the library of Hotel Séguier in Paris preserved for posterity by a print series (Porticus Bibliothecae Illustriss. Seguierii Galliae Cancellarii) published by Michel Dorigny in 1640.

In the vault arches of the ceremonial hall there are scenes of construction in rococo cartouches (Building of Troy, Semiramis founding a city) whose visual models can be traced to a 17th century illustrated edition of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Adapted by Isaac de Benserade and illustrated by Sébastien Le Clerc and Francois Chauveau, the Metamorphoses d’Ovide en rondeaux (Paris 1676) was later published in Nuremberg (1689) and Augsburg (1690), too. On the shorter walls of the hall pairs of mythological female figures are depicted. On the east wall Vertumnus and Pomona, on the opposite wall presumably Diana and Callisto can be seen. A shadow of doubt is cast on the identification of the latter by the prototype, the composition about Vertumnus and Pomona by Abraham Bloemaert transferred onto the copperplate by Jan Saenredam (1605).

The figural ornaments (and presumably the stage-set like rococo architecture) on the side walls was painted by Beller after 18th century prints from Augsburg. The figures of Lucrezia, Minerva, Semiramis and Heliogalabus are from sheets in the album of etchings published by Johann Georg Hertel. The etcher was Balthasar Sigmund Setletzky and the compositions were drawn by noted Augsburg artists such as Gottfried Bernhard Göz and Johann Wolfgang Baumgartner.

The most original figures are the contemporaries in the four corners of the hall on painted galleries. The figures traditionally identified with member of the Keglevich family and household felicitously conjure up the time when the painting was created.

Taking stock of the figural representations, one finds a conspicuous overrepresentation of “female themes”. Pomona fighting shy of love, Lucrezia accepting death for honour, wise Minerva and heroic Semiramis, who founded a city are all symbolic figures of female virtues. Maybe Count Keglevich wished to commemorate the virtues of his wife Josefa Königsacker in this way, or, like in Edelény, perhaps the supporter of the fresco decoration was not a patron but a patroness.

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-Annequin , C. – Bonnet , C. (eds) 1996 : Héraclès II. Héraclès, les femmes et le féminin . Bruxelles–Rome Littlewood , J. 2006 : A Commentary on Ovid’s Fasti. Book VI . Oxford–New York Maddoli , G. 1971 : Il rito degli Argei e le origini del

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Abstract

Sárvár castle was the property of the Nádasdy family from the early 16th century until 1670. Its current pentagonal shape was formed during the time of judge royal Ferenc III Nádasdy, one of the leading art patrons of the 17th century. Its early 17th century state is documented by three inventories (1630, 1646, 1650), and the layout of the interior, the functions and furnishings of the rooms can be reconstructed from the inventory dated 1669. The paper suggests some new dates of construction, explicates the stucco and fresco ornamentation program and on the basis of the furnishing inquiries into the role and function of the castle turned residence during Ferenc Nádasdy's time.

Comparing the inventories of various dates, one finds that Nádasdy first had wing A reconstructed before 1646. Research puts to the mid-17th century the rest of the constructions: building of the C wing and chapel, linkage of gate tower and wing A. Archival sources put the reconstruction to 1650–51. The stateroom was created at that time on the ceiling of which Hans Rudolf Miller painted in 1653 a fresco series of town sieges during the 15-year war. The stuccowork by Andrea Bertinalli framing the frescoes is dated by the paper also to 1653, a different date from what research earlier suggested. The conception of the ceiling decoration was completed before Nádasdy left in early June 1653 for the coronation of Ferdinand IV in Regensburg. Thus the iconography of the frescoes is independent of the thematically similar battle-scene cycle (possibly in oil) seen on the way in Günzburg near Ulm, about which Pál Esterházy travelling with Nádasdy wrote in his diary. Nádasdy had the opportunity to see in Günzburg the now extinct 16 full-length portraits ordered by the previous owner of the castle Karl von Burgau upon the model of the Spanischer Saal in Ambras around 1600. That may have inspired him to have the 20 full-length portraits painted mentioned by the inventory of 1669 in one of the salons of Sárvár.

Contemporaneous with the reconstruction is the staircase beneath the tower, mentioned in an order to stucco artist Andrea Bartinalli in February 1657 in which Nádasdy ordered the plasterwork for the ceiling of the upstairs rooms of wings E and D and the corridor of wing E, as well as a dual coat of arms above the mantelpiece in a room in the E wing. The order reveals that the stucco of three rooms in wing D had been started and Bertinalli was to finish it. Payment reveals that Bertinalli had completed the bulk of the work by the end of 1657. It probably included the ceiling stucco of the corner room in wing D, the only one still extant today. The plaster decoration frames frescoes the themes of which are from Ovid's Metamorphoses. Ingeborg Schemper-Sparholz traced their engraved prototypes to Antonio Tempesta, but this could only be verified for the Narcissus scene. The Perseus and Andromeda story adopts Chrispijn de Passe's work via a mediating print, the models for the rest of the scenes are unknown. The joint interpretation of the fresco themes and the so-far unstudied iconography of the plasterwork could provide the key to the program of the entire ceiling. The stucco putti hold attributes of natural plenitude, fertility, while the Ovid scenes are about accepted love (Perseus and Andromeda, Jupiter and Callisto) or the rejection of love (Narcissus, Venus sends Amor to kindle desire in Pluto for Proserpina who rejects love). The ceiling decoration is the apology of love and female fertility in the corner room that was one of the rooms of the female suite after the mid-century reconstruction of the castle.

Practically nothing is known of the one-time art works in the castle. The inventories reflect numeric data, which reveal that by increasing the number of art works Nádasdy wished to create a representative image in the Sárvár rooms after the rebuilding. The definite functions and furnishing of the different wings are revealed by the May 1669 inventory taken a few months after the death of the count's wife Anna Júlia Esterházy. It shows therefore the state of the interior as it had evolved during one and a half decades' use after the reconstruction. The composition of the furnishing reveals that the described rooms did not serve for actual residence. Apart from the monotony and impersonal character of the description of the furniture the most conspicuous things are the absent objects, particularly in comparison with the description of the actual residence of the family, the castle of Pottendorf. This comparison reveals that in Sárvár pieces of storing furniture, first of all those for keeping clothes and textiles, are missing in Sárvár. There are only two cupboards but they are empty. There is no furniture to hold books, while in Pottendorf there was a Bibliotheca. In Sárvár, except for Nádasdy's bedroom and one of the women's rooms, the beds are not installed, and apart from Nádasdy's suite there are no curtains, draperies, and there is no mirror.

The inventory confirms the earlier research findings: Sárvár did not function as a residence, since before 1650 the family lived in Deutschkreuz, then in Seibersdorf in Lower Austria and from 1660 in Pottendorf. There are not many data about Nádasdy's stay in Sárvár in his itinerary either, which throws new light on the representative modernization of the castle and the need to create a new residence. Concerning functions, it is illumining to compare Sárvár with Deutschkreuz where the family is documented to have spent lengthier periods regularly in the second half of the 1650s with frequent guests. That is probably why around 1657 a two-level “Saalgebäude” of several rooms was built in Deutschkreuz. It must also be attributable to function that the Sárvár castle was representatively impersonal, “Prunkappartement”-like. There are few data to suggest what role the castle was assigned in the 1650s, but they tend to reveal that after the reconstruction and furnishing with art works Sárvár was to be the venue of ceremonial hospitality as the occasional protocol venue of Nádasdy's official matters in Hungary.

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magas szinten teljesült. Az alábbiakban egyenként bemutatom a kötetben szereplő tanulmányokat. Goethe und die Antike, dargestellt an seiner Beziehung zu Ovid : Von Albrecht Goethe antikvitáshoz való viszonyát egyetlen szerzővel, Ovidiusszal kapcsolatban

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. See Gruen : The Hellenistic World (n. 26) 318. See Galinsky, K. : Vergil’s Aeneid and Ovid’s Metamorphoses as World Literature. In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Augustus . Ed. K. Galinsky. New York

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identifies seven types of sources, among which the vast majority is either printed book (20) or article that is available in print format as well (75). All the sources are scientific with the exception of Ovid’s Metamorphoses (Figure  3

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