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means of reporting hate crime; (b) provide minority communities a means of reporting hate crime; (c) serve as a comparator to potentially unrepresentative official statistics where these are collected; (d) provide an evidence base for legislative change

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. , ‘ Rethinking the Boundaries of Democratic Secession: Liberalism, Nationalism, and the Right of Minorities to Self-determination ’ ( 2008 ) 3 -4/6 International Journal of Constitutional Law 553 – 584

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French and the German Experience 1789–1815 (Van Nostrand 1967 ). Kymlicka , W. , Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford University Press

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gives marginalized minorities or vulnerable groups a chance to make their voices heard that had previously been suppressed due to their social status. 35 Walters also points out that retributive

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1990 and 2019, the Court issued 9,766 decisions. Among these decisions, 246 contained at least one reference to foreign law in either the majority or minority opinion. This means that comparative law played a role in only 2.5% of the cases. As seen in

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, the different models of qualified law should be taken into account. The laws with constitutional force concentrated on the protection of political minorities, and the primary aim was to require wide consent during the decision-making process. This

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minority of the 2010-11 amendments belonged to this group. The subject matters of the ‘demolishing’ amendments were as follows: nomination of Constitutional Court judges, 37 freedom of press – creating a constitutional basis for a new media legislation

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EU institutions, NGOs included) that protects the rights of LGBTQ communities or immigrants, alternative churches or other minorities that do not represent the majority interest. 32 Anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and anti-liberalism are the

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EU institutions, NGOs included) that protects the rights of LGBTQ communities or immigrants, alternative churches or other minorities that do not represent the majority interest. 32 Anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and anti-liberalism are the

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The paper analyzes ethnic data collection pertaining to criminal justice in Hungary. It shows that Hungary's approach to resist ethnic data collection by law enforcement authorities is not a good policy and it causes severe constitutional problems in other, non-criminal legal circumstances, where ethnic data is used in the context of additional rights and affirmative protection provided for ethno-national minorities. The paper follows a twofold analysis. First, it sets forth general problems relating to ethnic data collection, including a brief analysis of a uniquely Hungarian constitutional institution, the minority self-govern­ment structure. The focus of scrutiny then shifts to the criminal justice system, in particular the analysis of policing of racially motivated crime, and the question of police ethnic profiling.    

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