This paper analyzes the spiritual background of the Mura Region Slovenian priest Števan Küzmič’a (1723–1779) oeuvre, especially the circumstances and sources of his translation of the Bible, looking for the answer if he really translated the New Testament from Greek as it is stated in the title. Hungarian Calvinists were provided with two translations of the Bible when the Slovenian version was made, thanks to György Bárány and János Szabó Sartorius. The structure, content and message of the forewords written by József Torkos to Števan Küzmič’s Slovenian and András Torkos’s Hungarian translation of the Bible is similar. In Küzmič’s case the use of Hungarian patterns can be proved by borrowings from Hungarian, word formation based on Hungarian models as well as Hungarian governments and idioms. Števan Küzmič aimed at the purity of the Mura Region language but he had to borrow also from other languages to translate the complex Biblical text properly. He created a great work for Slovenians, raising the Mura Region Slovenian onto the level of a standard language.
The present paper deals with the functioning of phraseological comparative constructions with biblical characters in dialects of East, West, and South Slavic languages. The charac- ters of the Holy Scripture include not only the nameless and named heroes of the Bible but also the Creator himself as well as supernatural beings that serve or oppose the Creator. The description involves comparative phraseological units with an adjective that derives from a character of the Bible. Most of the analyzed Slavic dialectal phraseological units are fixed in dictionaries.
The description of comparative phraseological units (if possible) is carried out from the positions of structural and semantic modelling, which allows to identify the lexical variation of components in the dialects of the same language or in various languages. In some cases, the paper includes areal characteristics of comparative constructions. For this purpose, the author shows their parallels in other linguistic and dialect regions. As a result, the paper reveals both structural and semantic biblical universals and phraseological units with national specificity, i.e. similes that have no equivalents (literary or non-Slavic). There are units that are specific for some regions, for example, phraseological units containing microtoponyms such as geographical objects that are not widely known. The national and regional identity is manifested both at the level of figurative basis and at the level of non- equivalent comparativism since some subjects can be active in one language, while they are peripheral or lacunary in another one.
In some cases, phraseological units are provided with cultural, historical, and etymol- ogical comments which reveal not only the biblical and religious roots but also reflect the ancient mythological representations of the Slavs. The author gives an explanation to the meaning of similes and their components.
The Old and New Testaments are a common element of the spiritual culture of Chris- tians so the comparison reveals the similarity and repetition of comparative units, directly or indirectly related to the names of the characters of the Bible, or structural and semantic models in a particular area. At the same time, the phraseological units genetically ascending to the Bible show a quite large differentiation, demonstrating the peculiarity of the recep- tion of biblical images by the Slavs, the unequal interest in them. Although the very name of the biblical character is often international, set similes containing it are not always the same. This is usually the case for pseudo-biblical phraseological units that have no direct links to the character of the Bible; they are usually inherent in folk speech and are often jokingly ironic. This is particularly evident in dialects.
In every European language we find a great number of phraseological units of biblical origin, but each language has its own peculiarities in adopting these units. At the same time the text of the Bible has its own phraseological system too, which is obviously different from the systems inherited by the European languages. This approach gives us the way to obtain relevant results in diachronic research. The practical application of this method is presented in the analysis of the origin of the idiom
under the open sky
I collected stories of conversion from university students in Kolozsvár/Cluj. They had come into contact with representatives of the revival movement and constructed their own identities under the influence of the identity patterns conveyed by these people. The conversion means that their relationship with God becomes personal in that they accept salvation from sin for themselves, declare themselves to be the children of God and place their lives under His guidance. This goes together with a new way of life involving daily reading and interpretation of the Bible, impromptu personal prayers and participation in charity work. In the stories of conversion they speak about this new identity and the process through which they changed their identities. Parallel with the restructuring of the individual identity the collective identity also changes since, from the time of their conversion, they regard themselves as members of the community and the activity of the community extends to all fields of life: Bible hours, religious services, sports, summer camps, film club, etc.
In the late 1930s several “peasant ecclesiola” formed around two Calvinist peasant prophetesses in Sub-Carpathia, a region that came under fi rst Czechoslovak, then successively Hungarian, Ukrainian and Soviet rule as a consequence of the Trianon peace dictate. One group functioned between 1937–1977 under the leadership of Mariska Borku (Tiszaágtelek, 1910–1978). Over a period of 40 years Mariska Borku wrote the “Words”, under the inspiration of Jesus Christ or the Holy Spirit. Her manuscript called the Lettszövetség (Third Testament) was regarded by the prophetess and her followers as sacred and seen as a continuation of the Bible. They disseminated it in handwritten copies and used it in religious services held in homes and for private devotions.The other prophetess, Borbála Szanyi Mikó (Nagydobrony, 1897–1950) organised a smaller, closed prayer group around herself, composed mainly of relatives. She too wrote down the “Words” she received in visions, in her Örökkévaló Evangélium (Eternal Gospel).
The subject of the paper is a folk prayer, a German popular text, which was collected by Zsuzsanna Erdélyi from a Swabian woman in Hungary. The prayer is a modern textual version of late medieval ars moriendi. It can be regarded as a folk prayer as it was in use among the common people, but its authorship cannot be linked to the common people. The author might have been a person from the lower clergy, with profound knowledge of theology and the Bible. This religious text satisfied a spiritual need among the people, as it was read out by the bed of the dying person, thus assisting the soul in reaching heaven. If the dying person recited it, or if it was read out to him, the prayer promised delivery from sin and automatic salvation without clerical mediation. No wonder such prayers were disapproved of and even banned by the Church.
The first chronicles of Central Europe were written in the beginning of 12th century. The authors of these chronicles lived in the courts of the princes or kings, and wrote their chronicle to support the idea of princely or royal courts about their own legitimacy. They used also the dynastic myths and some elements from the general tradition of the community about the past (oral history). They wrote differently about the origins, but there were common in the adaptation of the stories from the Bibles. The article focuses on the question how the Christian chroniclers wrote the pagan past; how the negative attitude to the pagan habits was mixed with the glorious events of the community in the pagan past.
During the Roman Empire, when an autonomous Etruscan culture had disappeared long ago, aspects of the old Etruscan religion were still surviving and had been integrated in the Roman traditional religion: the haruspices, acting as diviners for public or private purposes all over the Roman empire, could interpret prodigies, what Roman priests and even augurs did not. When, with the Christians, a new religion arrived which risked to overthrow the old national religion of the Romans, Etruscan religious tradition played an important role against the rise of Christianity: with the sacred books of the Etruscans, with the prophets who were alleged to have created the Etruscan religious tradition, the Romans could find in their own heritage what could match the Bible of the Christians or their prophets. Unsurprisingly, haruspices were active in the resistance movement against the new religion.
In the works of Nabokov there is a combination
of scryptography of symbols that the writer uses in an ambivalent
way-playing with them (in the high, psychologic sense of the play
also as ritual) and exploiting them as polygenetic symbols with different
referent sources (Jewish Bible, Egypt, New Testament, antiquity, Dante,
Cabala, alchemy, freemasonry). The article shows in a parallel investigation
of the Russian and the English texts of the short story how the fantastique
way from a museum in France to the native town of the hero, to Russia,
due to the broad variety of intertextual allusions, motives and invariants
of Nabokov's oeuvre can be understood as a ritual transition through
the “underworld” to an “other world”.
-11 August, 4281, p. 21.
VERKHOVSKY, Aleksandr 1999: The Church and the national radicals. In: Russkaja Mysl', 5-11 August, 4281, p. 20-21.
BADALANOVA, Florentina 1999: The Bulgarian Folk Bible. In: Zhivaja starina , 2, pp