Search Results
The aim of this study is to examine and describe the official language use of the Roman Empire under Justinian I, focusing on the choice between Greek and Latin, the two traditional official languages of the empire. Comparing the practice under Justinian with that of the ages before resp. after Diocletian's accession (284), the conclusion can be drawn that Justinian reformed the official language use on purpose, following the practice of the principate.
In Early and Classical Latin, we encounter a rich and complex system in which prefixes are used to render verbs telic and to emphasise the beginning or end of a process or of an activity, and in which the opposition between non-dynamicity and dynamicity or between transitivity and intransitivity is expressed by various suffixes. In the perfect there is an opposition between non-dynamic unprefixed verbs and dynamic prefixed ones. In the later centuries this system breaks down, and there is a blurring of the semantic difference between the prefixed and unprefixed verbs and often also of that between the prefixes themselves. New verbs are formed to replace old verbs that have lost their old functions. These changes pervade the whole verbal system in Latin and affect the semantic relationship between the perfect and imperfect tenses. In Romance, the definite and indefinite articles express the functions previously expressed by the various actional forms.
From 1091 onwards the nomadic confederacy of the Cumans had played an eminent historical role in the Balkans. The present paper investigates the Cuman participation in the fight of Byzantium with the Latins, during and after the Fourth Crusade in 1204, and comes to the conclusion that the Cumans' historical role in the restoration of the Second Bulgarian Empire in 1185-1186 and in the following events of the upcoming two decades is undeniable. The Cumans had no strategic aims, their primary and short-time goal being robbery and pillage. Though their employment in campaigns and battles as mercenaries was of prime importance for both the Vlakho-Bulgarians and the Byzantines and the Latins, they did not present a real long-term menace to the statehood of either of the waring factions.
Late Latin toponyms as local adverbs are generally used in the ablative instead of the accusative and the locative. Nevertheless there are some lesser groups in the itineraries that contain locatives and accusatives. The Pannonian data show that they must be local phenomena, occurring only in SE Pannonia, forming a clear conservative zone until the 5th century. It is uncertain when this region was separated from the whole, yet this seems to have occurred after the period Ptolemy had collected his data from.
Plutarchos Bruta animalia ratione uti című dialógusának humanista latin fordításai közül a legismertebb Giovanni Regio nevéhez fűződik. Az 1488-ban készült fordítást, amelyet a Padovai Egyetemi Könyvtár Ms. 958 jelzetű papírkódexe őriz, Raffaele Regio, a fordító testvérbátyja átdolgozta, és 1508-ban Velencében posztumusz kiadta. A kézirati és a nyomtatott szöveg egybevetését a kutatás még nem végezte el. A beható filológiai elemzéssel az a célunk, hogy megállapítsuk az eredeti fordításba való beavatkozás mértékét és természetét, majd ennek révén közelebbi bepillantást nyerjünk a fordító eljárási módszerébe és technikáiba. Ezzel alkalmunk nyílik a fordítás szövegének további kapcsolatait is megvizsgálni a dialógus másik két latin fordításával, amelyeket Antonio Cassarino és Lampugnino Birago készített néhány évtizeddel korábban.
INTRODUCTION Pour qui veut comprendre le mécanisme et la genèse du système roman des anaphoriques et déictiques, il est intéressant d'examiner l'emploi de ces formes dans des textes latins d'époque chrétienne. On réfléchira donc ici sur les données
Plutarchos Bruta animalia ratione uti című eleven dialógusából három latin fordítás is készült a XV. század folyamán, melyek csak kéziratban maradtak fenn. Hogy a fordítások belső viszonyait felfedjük, a kézirati szövegek mélyreható elemzésére van szükség. Egy korábbi tanulmányunkban feldolgoztuk Giovanni Regio időben legkésőbbi fordítását (1488), kimutatva azokat a szálakat, amelyek elődje, a milánói Lampugnino Birago fordításához (1465–1470 körül) fűzik. Most a szicíliai Antonio Cassarino legkorábban készült fordításának (1440–1445 körül) a vizsgálatát kívánjuk elvégezni párhuzamosan utódja, Lampugnino Birago negyed évszázaddal későbbi fordításával, hogy összehasonlítsuk módszerüket és stíluseszközeiket. A két fordító megközelítése között lényeges különbség figyelhető meg. Míg Cassarino a humanista fordításeszményt követve „értelem szerinti” (ad sententiam) fordításra törekszik, addig Birago inkább a „szó szerinti” (ad verbum) fordítás követelményének tesz eleget. A fordításelmélet általános kérdései mellett tárgyaljuk a latin fordítások kézirati hagyományának, görög forrásszövegének, valamint szóhasználatának problémáját.
Plutarch’s lively dialogue Bruta animalia ratione uti was translated in the course of the 15th century by three different persons whose works are only extant in manuscripts. For establishing the connections between these translations a thorough study of the texts of the codices is needed. In a previous article, we have dealt with Giovanni Regio’s translation, which is the latest in time (1488), and found traces of the latter’s dependence from the translation of the Milanese Lampugnino Birago (c. 1465–1470). The aim of the present paper is to inquire into the text of the earliest translation by the Sicilian Antonio Cassarino (c. 1440–1445) in parallel with the text of Lampugnino Birago’s translation which followed it after two and a half decades. The different translation methods and devices used by the translators provide ample space for comparison. Whereas Cassarino’s approach is more in keeping with the humanist ideal of ‘translation by sense’ (ad sententiam), Birago as a rule follows a principle of ‘translation by word’ (ad verbum), keeping close to the letter. Beyond the questions of translation theory in general problems relating to the textual tradition of the Latin codices, the possible Greek sources of the translations, and a number of lexical matters are discussed.
Sprachpolitik im Römischen Reich
Zur Frage Einer Angenommenen Sprachpolitischen Reform Unter der Tetrarchie
It is a well known fact that the system of the official communication of the Roman Empire had undergone a striking change after Diocletian’s accession (284): Latin came into prominence and was used exclusively in the Eastern imperial administration where Greek had played an important role before Diocletian. So far this prominence of Latin has commonly been interpreted as an effect of a radical change in the language policy of the Roman state, claiming that Diocletian and Constantine I had introduced a new intolerant and aggressive language policy in the framework of the rehabilitation of the Roman Empire. In my paper I try to demonstrate that this alleged aggressive language policy never existed and that the prominence of Latin in the Eastern part of the Empire spontaneously resulted from the bureaucratic and governmental transformation of the Roman Empire that significantly increased the prestige of the Latin language.
The intent of this paper is to present some considerations on the language of the inscriptions found in Scythia Minor, a region located on the northeast side of Moesia Inferior, in the area between Callatis and Noviodonum. The analysis is based on the Greek and Latin epigraphs collected in the four volumes of the Inscriptiones Daciae et Scythiae Minoris antiquae edited by Pippidi-Russu. The examination of the Greek epigraphs reveals a substantial stability of the language, which results from the clear Greek background of the territory. Apart from the older inscriptions of Callatis (a colony of Megara), which typically display dorian features, the great bulk of the Greek texts are characterised by very common phenomena of the koiné . On the other side, the Latin documents show a high frequency of substandard variations in the morphological and syntactical domain (as compared to the other eastern provinces), a situation which seems to reflect a poor linguistic competence of the speakers.
This paper deals with the role of Greek, Latin and Hebrew loanwords in the history of Church Slavonic. Their number was fluctuating in the course of centuries which can be attributed to political rather than theological or linguistic considerations.The number and role of loanwords in the modern variant of Liturgical Church Slavonic is still considerable. In modern vernacular Slavic (Russian, Ukrainian, Belorussian, Bulgarian, Serbian and Croatian) the majority of them are substituted with native words.
