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Serbia was an Ottoman province for almost four centuries; after some rebellions, the First and Second Uprising, she received the status of autonomous principality in 1830, and became independent in 1878. Due to the historical and cultural circumstances, the first stage music form was komad s pevanjem (theater play with music numbers), following with the first operas only at the beginning of the twentieth century. Contrary to the usual practice to depict “golden age” of medieval national past, like in many other traditions of national opera, the earliest Serbian operas were dedicated to the recent past and coexistence with Ottomans. Thus the operas Na uranku (At dawn, 1904) by Stanislav Binički (1872–1942), Knez Ivo od Semberije (Prince Ivo of Semberia, 1911) by Isidor Bajić (1878–1915), both based on the libretti by the leading Serbian playwright Branislav Nušić, and also Zulumćar (The Hooligan, librettists: Svetozar Ćorović and Aleksa Šantić, 1927) by Petar Krstić (1877–1957), presented Serbia from the first decades of the nineteenth century. Later Serbian operas, among which is the most significant Koštana (1931, revised in 1940 and 1948) by Petar Konjović (1883–1970), composed after the theatre play under the same name by the author Borisav Stanković, shifts the focus of exoticism, presenting a life of a south-Serbian town in 1880. Local milieu of Vranje is depicted through tragic destiny of an enchanting beauty, a Roma singer Koštana, whose exoticism is coming from her belonging to the undesirable minority. These operas show how the national identity was constructed – by libretto, music and iconography – through Oriental Self. The language (marked by numerous Turkish loan words), musical (self)presentation and visual image of the main characters of the operas are identity signifiers, which show continuity as well as perception of the Ottoman cultural imperial legacy.

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Abstract

This study introduces ways to unfold the St. Zoerard-Andrew and St. Charles Borromeo Altapiece of Vincenzo Dandini (1607–1675), the gifted pupil of the famous baroque painter, Pietro da Cortona. Created in 1657, it is still housed today in its original position in the Church of Santa Maria in Gradi at Arezzo, in Tuscany. This painting has its own importance in Dandini's oeuvre, not only because it's his first dated and signed work, but also because of the rarity of the imagery of Zoerard-Andrew in Italy.

We can separate two different levels of the image: the Hungarian hermit could be seen as the subject of the cardinal's vision and his role model too. Charles Borromeo was the leading figure of the Council of Trent, and the cardinal archbishop of the Archidiocese of Milan, but had similar fasting and extreme starving practices like Zoerard- Andrew. So Zoerard-Andrew's presence is more interesting in a Camaldolese altarpiece — however they were both Benedictines — than the well-known italian reformator and makes Dandini's work an iconographical challenge.

The altarpiece depicts a scene from the life of St. Zoerard-Andrew derived from the Vita Sancotum Zoerardi et Benedicti (c. 1064) by Bishop Maurus of Pécs, when the hermit in the state of swoon lies in the arms of an angel (iuvenis visionis angelice). St. Zoerard-Andrew, first canonised saint of the Hungarian Kingdom in 1083, had an extremely stiff fasting practice, ate only one nut day-to-day in the forty days of the Lenten period. His bodily self-lacerations were the most terrific ways to earn God, he made for himself a wooden crown with stones hanging on four sides and set on an oak-tree trunk surrounded by sharpened canes. Like on Jan Sadeler's etching, he showned with his clever arrangements designed to prevent sleep as his tipical attributes in this period. This essay contributes to find out appointments of Zoerard-Andrew's and St. Charles Borromeo's way of living with the habits of the Camaldolese monks. I mean they were perfect role models for these hermits of the Santa Maria in Gradi. Finally, I demonstrate in my article how could use up their cult in the order's ideology during the Counter- Reformation and how these elements are interwoven in the iconography of the church.

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„Sola scriptura” az aszódi Podmaniczky-kastély dísztermének kifestése és ikonográfiai programja az evangélikus erénytanok összefüggésében

Wall- and ceiling paintings of the ceremonial hall of the Podmaniczky Mansion in Aszód and their iconographic programme in the context of Lutheran theory of virtue

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Szabolcs Serfőző

The Podmaniczky Mansion in Aszód was built in 1727– 1730 by János Podmaniczky (1691–1743). In 1767–1772 the building was extended by his sons, János (1716–1786) and Sándor (1723–1786), who resided with their families in the eastern and western wing of the mansion.

In 1776 Sándor Podmaniczky commissioned Johann Lucas Kracker and his assistant, Joseph Zach, specialised in trompe l’oeil architectural painting to fresco the ceremonial hall of the mansion, located at the southern end of the western wing. The ceiling painting features in the centre the allegorical female figure, a Justifying Faith (fides iustificans), holding the Holy Script with the inscription Sola scriptura. She is surrounded by allegories of different virtues, such as Divine Mercy (Caritas Dei), Humility, Generosity, Hospitality, Temperance, Self-restraint and Right Judgement. On the right of the ceiling the female figure of Wisdom is to be seen striking down the Vices. In the four corners of the ceiling further four virtue-allegories are located: Honesty, Fame, Diligence and the Love of Virtues.

The moralizing programme of the vivid ceiling painting is accompanied by grisaille, statue- and relief-like representations on the sidewalls. The illusionistic statues of Seneca and Alexander the Great represent two classical virtues: wisdom and heroic pugnacity. On the longer walls of the hall four illusionistic busts of four Classical deities (Jupiter, Neptune, Pluto and Ceres) represent the four elements. Above them relief-like mythological scenes are to be seen: two episodes from the youth of Bacchus, the story of Apollo and Daphne and finally the contest of Apollo and Pan.

The complex, moralizing iconographic programme conveyed by the wall and ceiling paintings can be interpreted in the context of the Lutheran ethics, as the com missioner himself was of Lutheran confession. Lutheran teachings on ethics have fundamentally differed from the scholastic doctrine on theological and cardinal virtues and have defined a different canon of virtues. This Lutheran virtue’s canon is reflected in the iconography of the ceiling painting to a large extent. The Olympic deities and mythological scenes featuring on the side walls symbolise the material world, as opposed with the spiritual sphere represented by the virtue-allegories on the ceiling. The overall message of the paintings is that living a pious, virtuous life, conducted by faith, avoiding vice and exercising self-restraint leads the soul to heaven, in harmony with the Lutheran doctrine of justification.

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Krisztus Szenvedései-ikontöredék Hajasdról. Az ikonográfia rekonstrukciójának kísérlete

Fragments of a Christ's Passion Icon from Hajasd. An Attempt to Reconstruct the Iconography

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Bernadett Puskás

Abstract

In the ecclesiastic collection of the Ethnographic Museum there are carvings from churches of the Byzantine Rite including a Passion fragment from Hajasd (Volosianka, Ukraine), former Ung county. It was probably made in the third quarter of the 17th century on three contiguous vertical panels 180 cm in height each. The two outer panels of the three survive. They are predominated by ochre and brown hues with greyish blue, white and black pa tches. The forms are enclosed by thick black lines. Works of a similar character have survived in the area between Przemysl and Sanok.

Despite the missing central panel and the destruction of nearly half of the right-hand panel, the iconographic program can be reconstructed. It is a conspicuous feature of the Hajasd scenes that they reiterate the composition of Flemish graphic series of the Passion. Apart from knowledge of the relatively fixed iconography of the Carpathian Passion series, the Flemish graphic cycles were most helpful to the reconstruction of the Hajasd Passion. It was the wealth of details in the Hajasd Passion that led to the discovery of its immediate source: the series of 51 sheets engraved by Adriaen Collaert after Marten de Vos's compositions and published in several editions in the early 17th century with the title “Vita, Passio et Resurrectio Iesu Christi…”, copies of which also travelled as far as Hungary and Poland. The scenes were arranged in six tiers, the central episode – the crucifixion – probably taking up three tiers of the central panel. The series of twenty scenes begins with the Transfiguration, which revives a local mediaeval tradition: the linking up of the Transfiguration and Easter also explicated in 17th century theological works. It was followed – in accordance with the liturgy of the Passion Week – by the resurrection of Lazarus (Lazarus Saturday), the entry into Jerusalem (Palm Sunday), the Last Supper, the washing of the apostles' feet (Holy Thursday), the scenes of Christ's trial, mocking and crucifixion (Good Friday). The sequence ends with the Deposition, Lamentation, Christ in Limbo and Resurrection scenes. The Hajasd Passion reveals the theological context of the redemption and resurrection in addition to the suffering of Christ. It is a peculiarity of the icon that its master elaborated on nearly the whole cycle of Collaert's works from no. 27 to no. 51, more or less adhering to the original order. The painter's individual abilities are proven by the adaptation of the compositions to the different format, the synthesizing ability and the addition of local narrative details (Pilate's ermine robe, wooden tub).

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Abstract

In the study I tried to reconstruct the history of the Jewish community of Tállya and their synagogue, for up to now neither the community, nor the art historically important Torah ark has received due attention. After the Holocaust very few survivors came back to Tállya – a settlement in Tokaj-Hegyalja, a region of north-eastern Hungary – and not a single member of the former Orthodox congregation lives there today. The community built their third place of worship in the mid-nineteenth century, pulled down in 1964. The reasons why I found it important to map the socio-cultural and religious environment in more detail are commemorative and research methodological. The Israelite community enjoyed autonomy in choosing their rabbi and arranging all other domestic matters, and consequently, their taste, religious orientation, acculturation influenced the shaping of their synagogue building, the style of its furnishing and ritual objects. For lack of congregational documents, many kinds of sources (e.g. newspaper articles, recollections, biographies of rabbis, municipal documents) had to be interpreted within the context offered by the historical elaborations of the age. It was indispensable to shed light on the system of relations between Hasidism of growing influence from the early nineteenth century and traditional Orthodoxy, particularly because the tendencies of secession also appeared in the Tállya community, and the iconography of the Torah ark of their synagogue is most closely related to the carved Torah arks of East European Hasidic communities (in Poland, Galicia, Moldavia, etc.). According to archival sources the community leaders of Tállya could assert their wish to have the woodcarver create symbolic motifs on the ark despite the rabbi’s disapproval. As the direct antecedent to the composition I identified the masonry Torah ark of Mád, but the inventive, singular style of the carvings bears no kinship with the mentioned prototypes or the altars in churches in the vicinity. At the end of the paper I sum up the events that led to the demolition of the synagogue and the perishing of its interior furniture, relying on documents in the Hungarian Jewish Museum and the Monument Documentation Centre.

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bronze or silver sheets displaying figurative decoration with subjects spanning pagan and biblical iconography. 4 Although examples from settlements and military forts are known, these caskets have been found largely in funerary contexts, especially in

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Merke, F.: History and iconography of endemic goiter and cretenism. Hans Huber Verlag, Bern–Stuttgart–Wien, 1984. Merke F. History and iconography of

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Egy Andriolo de Santinak tulajdonítható Krisztus-szobor a budapesti Szépművészeti Múzeumban

A Christ Statue in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, Attributable to Andriolo de Santi

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Szilárd Papp

Abstract

The sculpture, which the extant invoice claims to have originated from the Sant' Agostino church of Cremona, was bought by the museum from Achille Glisenti, a painter and art dealer, in 1895 (figs 1–2). The frontal pose and the compactness of the white marble sculpture of exquisite quality in composition and execution (h.: 52 cm, w.: 21 cm, d.: 16 cm), as well as the finish of the sides and the back clearly reveal that it was designed for some niche. The representation of the enthroned Christ Pantocrator was prevalent in Venetian sepulchral sculpture in Italy in the 14th century, mainly in the 1340s–60s. The Budapest sculpture is most closely analogous with specimens of this strain by virtue of the iconography and style. Just like the analogies, it was probably set in the middle of the longitudinal side of the sarcophagus recessed in the shape of an ornate throne. Although no Christ figure carved separately of the side of a sarcophagus is known, there are at least two specimens of the enthroned Madonna figures far more frequently featuring in Venetian sarcophagi in the same place (figs 3–4). These two Virgin figures were carved for an exceptionally representative type of sepulchral monuments “with acroteria”, which is attributable to one of the most notable local master of the period, Andriolo de Santi.

The closest analogy to the Budapest sculpture can also be found in this circle. Christ Pantocrator adorning the main portal of the San Lorenzo church in Vicenza made by Andriolo's workshop in 1342–44 is almost like a copy of the Budapest work (figs 5–6). It is however hard to decide whether it was made by the same hand or it is a copy. There is yet another carving – that of the enthroned Madonna in the tympan of the portal – that resembles even more closely the Budapest statue in terms of quality, overall form and certain details (fig. 8). Though there are hardly any clues as to the authorship of individual parts of the portal, it is not far-fetched to presume – in agreement with many researchers – that the tympan figures were in all likelihood carved by Andriolo. In this way it is possible to attribute the Budapest sculpture to him, too, and it may as well be presumed that it was made for an above-mentioned representative sarcophagus. Furthermore, the quality even permits the assumption that it might be the prototype for the Venetian Pantocrator series of the 1340s–60s.

All this confirms that the Christ statue and the respective tomb must have been made for a distinguished person. There is however no data in connection with the Sant' Agostino church of Cremona or the related sources that might be linked to this sepulchral monument in any way, therefore the identification of the person is not possible. The client must have been a Cremonese with close contacts to Venice, which may be why he imported the sepulchre to the Lombardian city. The phenomenon fits in well with the overall situation of sculpture in Cremona in the 14th century: there was probably no noteworthy stonecarving workshop in the city, at least all the surviving works are by masters active elsewhere.

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Gondolatok a középkori váradi székesegyház Szent László-oltáráról

Thoughts on the St Ladislas Altarpiece in the Mediaeval Cathedral of Várad

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Terézia Kerny

Abstract

In the 14th century iconography of St Ladislaus there is an ensemble in which the sainted king is sitting on a throne. The earliest known relic of this maiestas type is bishop of Várad András Bátori's pontifical seal (1329–45). The high priest on confidential terms with King Charles Robert is credited with the renovation and enlargement of Várad (Oradea) cathedral including the erection of new altarpieces and the transformation of old ones. The first impression of his pontifical seal is dated 1338, which marks a turning point in the traditional composition of pontifical seals. They customarily featured the stationary figure of the archbishop or bishop, and later (from the beginning of the 14th century) the patron saint of the diocese with high priests at prayer around him or her. In the middle of the Bátori seal neither the bishop, nor the patron saint of the cathedral (Beata Maria Virgo), but King Saint Ladislaus can be seen (it was the king who had transferred the seat of the Bihar bishopric to Várad and founded the cathedral). Previously, St Ladislaus only featured on the seal of the Várad chapter from 1291. After its release the sedentary type spread quickly. Its extant specimens include a – by now perished – mural in the St Michael church of Kolozsvár, and the starting scenes in three fresco cycles on the legend of St Ladislaus in Transylvania (Gelence [Ghelinta], Homoródszentmárton [Martiniş], Homoródkarácsonyfalva [Craciunel]). The best known examples are the silver coins issued by King Louis I the Great from 1364. Highly distinguished among the relics is a mould for casting pigrim's badges fished out of the Seine in 1894. The casting mould gives us a clue as to what kind of a St Ladislaus altarpiece was venerated in Várad. This conclusion is justified by the fact that a pilgrim's badge always portrayed a votive icon or statue at the place of pilgrimage, with tiny copies of other saints specifically worshipped at the shrine. This applies to this casting mould as well, hence it features the schematic representation of the picture erected on St Ladislaus's renewed altar at the time of András Bátori – and this representation is identical with the picture of the bishop's seal. Concerning the Bátori seal, it was Jolán Balogh (1900–1986) who first hypothesized a Neapolitan link. On the basis of the quite obvious compositional correspondences, one can conclude that this link must have been Simone Martini's altarpiece of Saint Louis of Toulouse (1317) in Naples, which had a specially high ideological importance for the Anjous.

The enthroned St Ladislaus picture was undoubtedly a cultic image for the Hungarian Angevin kings, with ideological-typological roots in the Neapolitan court. The Hungarian branch of the family also adhered to the cults and iconographic traditions of Naples but they tried to adapt them to the circumstances of their new country with a view to superseding and modernizing the earlier models.

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A magyar királyok genealógiai ciklusa a leleszi premontrei kolostorkápolna középkori falképein

Genealogical Cycle of Hungarian Kings on the Medieval Frescoes at the Premonstratensian Abbey of Lelesz (Leles, Slovakia)

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Zsombor Jékely

Abstract

The Premonstratensian monastery of Lelesz, dedicated to the Holy Cross, was founded by Boleszló, the bishop of Vác (1188–1212). Patronage, however, was given over to the king, and later rulers in turn handed patronage of the monastery to their subjects. In 1214, the act of foundation was reinforced and the church of Lelesz consecrated. With the king's support, Lelesz became one of the wealthiest monasteries and an important place of authentication (locus credibilis). The new church of the monastery was built around the middle of the 14th century; in 1362 magister Johannes from Buda was contracted to build the tower. The chapel of Saint Michael, standing to the north of the church, and originally probably also serving as the chapter house, was built under the prior Dominicus of the Pálóci family (1378–1403). Around 1400, this new chapel was fully decorated with wall paintings.

Much of the decoration – for example the frescoes of the vault – were destroyed when the chapel was re-vaulted in the 18th century. Still, a complete cycle of wall-paintings survives on the side walls of the chapel. On the south wall, there is a large, three-level image of the Last Judgment, with Christ in the mandorla dominating the scene, accompanied by the apostles on either side. In the lunettes of the north wall, two scenes can be detected: the one to the east depicts Saint Elisabeth of Hungary, while the other is possibly an image of Pope Urban V, in the company of cardinals. On the eastern walls of the chapel, apostles or prophets are depicted, framed by painted tracery.

The focus of the paper is the series of figures depicted on the two lower zones of the north wall. As can be determined with the help of fragmentary inscriptions, these figures represent the kings of Hungary, starting from King Saint Stephen. The inscription gives the names of rulers and the number of years they ruled. The cycle is fragmentary, so we do not know exactly how many kings were depicted, but there is enough space for all the Hungarian sovereigns up until the then-current ruler, Sigismund (1387–1437). Such a cycle is unique from the territory of the medieval Kingdom of Hungary. Best parallel is provided by the cycle of initials in the Illuminated Chronicle (c. 1360, Széchényi National Library, Cod. Lat. 404), which also depict the pagan rulers of Hungarian prehistory, giving a complete genealogical cycle. Models of this cycle – just like that of the contemporary Luxemburg genealogy once on the walls of Karlstein castle in Bohemia – were provided by French manuscripts, especially the Grandes Chroniques de France. Emphasis in the cycle is not on individual kings, but on the unity and continuity of the line of Hungarian kings. One figure stands out: the first (badly damaged) ruler of the cycle is depicted enthroned. It is here proposed that the cycle starts with an image of the current ruler, King Sigismund. The style and iconography of the cycle make it a prime example of the International Gothic style, and these characteristic can be explained by the close connections of Lelesz abbey to the royal court.

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