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The aim of this paper is to discuss 1) the position of “the expert” between a population of Roma, local politicians, volunteer “do-gooders” and the media, and 2) the strategic options for the Roma population in such cases of moral and physical “clashes of interests”. The case at hand is my own participation, as an actor and an observer, in the media debate that has taken place during the last five years concerning migrant Roma beggars and street peddlers in Norway, with last summer’s debate as a preliminary top. The theme of the paper is threefold: (1.) An empirical presentation of the discussions and reactions from different social actors to the appearance of begging, playing and peddling Roma in the streets of Norwegian cities and villages. (2.) An analysis of the positions taken by the different actors in this “play” with special focus on the “expert middleman”. (3.) An analysis of the roles and strategies the Roma may use to defend their interests. The distinction between strategy and tactics will be of interest in the final analysis. The paper uses Norway and Romania only as cases to discuss a more general question.
This paper broadly compares environmentalism in Hungary and Slovakia, with a specific focus on Slovakia’s green movement under late-socialism and after. Nature activism in both countries was not directly controlled by the Party, and in each case individuals pushed the boundaries of activism and redefined notions of protest and dissent. But the way these two movements emerged were quite different from one another. In Hungary, the movement coalesced around a big “international” Soviet-style mega-project. This was the flashpoint. In Hungary, the Nagymaros dam project was an infringement — a monument of unhappy partnerships, and a symbol that fueled nationalist rumblings. In Slovakia, the whole notion of megaworks was not an unwelcome idea. But the differences between Hungarian and Slovak greens are more than the story of a dam controversy. While Hungary’s movement had its origins in the Danube River, Slovak greens emerged from the conservation of folk dwellings in the mountains. In Slovakia — the weekend amateur, the Catholic, the writer, the sociologist — instead found traction in the notion of human conservation. I explore these differences and examine how things change in the post-socialist period.
This paper reports on evaluative comments made over some ten years on research by students in the doctoral program in Translation and Intercultural Studies at the Universitat Rovira i Virgili in Tarragona, Spain. The vast majority of the comments are found to involve general shortcomings that do not particularly concern Translation Studies. This would suggest that research trainees do not really need a doctoral program in Translation Studies. Other weaknesses stem from the relatively undeveloped intellectual position of Translation Studies as a discipline, especially with regard to unstable terminology, the attribution of authority to other disciplines, and tendencies to disappear into philosophical aporias, into indiscriminate data-gathering, and into the uncritical extension of vocational values or professional best practices. Some shortcomings, however, would seem more germane to the nature of translation as an object of knowledge. This particularly concerns the problems of describing translation quality and attempts to position the researcher as being external to the intercultural processes being investigated. Translation researchers, it is argued, are necessarily interpreting language in a way similar to translators, operating on the borders between stabilizing systems. That special position, which is specific in terms of degree rather than kind, makes hermeneutic work and self-reflection basic parts of translation research, and trainees need to develop the corresponding awareness. On the other hand, to limit oneself to empirical and often positivistic methodologies from other disciplines would be to de-intellectualize the way researchers engage socially and politically with translation.
Thinking about Power Relations Once Again •
Response to Ieva Zauberga’s Paper
. Translation in a Postcolonial Context. Early Irish Literature in English Translation . Manchester : St. Jerome . Tymoczko , M . 2000 . Translation and Political Engagement. Activism, Social Change and the Role of Translation in Geopolitical Shifts . The
translators’ activities and their consequences ( Sela-Sheffy and Shlesinger 2011 ), but also on displacements ( Angelelli 2011 ), activism and its political aspects ( Wolf 2014 ) as well as the exploration of their inter- or intra-social agency, identity
been interested in the intersection between language and the environments where translated texts are used. In recent decades, global and local conflicts and the narratives related to them, as well as activism in translation have proved to be such an
translation studies. It includes 132 entries written by 116 experts from 79 universities, ranging from “activism” to “world literature” and covering nearly all subdisciplines, such as translation theory, practice, technology and pedagogy. Compared with the
wealthiest families in Brauron (a crucial center on the eastern coast of Attica 9 ) that the character's activism or even the military campaign itself might have been funded with „private” resources. In such a case, the μεγάλα ἔργα 10 (great deeds) of
suggests, could constitute a way of developing such narratives through a kind of activism that observes religious, political, social and cultural values. Moreover, translation can serve the purpose of fostering dialogue among diverse groups, and could
example, dissatisfied parents are unable to “vote with their feet,” or “exit” and use the services of another provider, thus “using their voices” — that is, advocacy via parental activism — remains the only correction mechanism available to them. 7 However
