The author analyses two volumes of verse of Catherine Acholonu, a contemporary Nigerian poet: Nigeria in the Year 1999 and The Spring's Last Drop from two aspects.
The first main aspect of the poems she examines is the feeling of exile, being outcast from the homeland. "The texts diagnose
some of Nigeria's current socioeconomic and political problems which can apply to the experience of other Africans as well."
The second part of her analysis highlights violences suffered by women in the war and in the social life. The author discusses
the situation of being a woman under double oppression. The conclusion is: "Acholonu clarifies the nature of the disharmony
hurting contemporary society."
Drawing on established connections between Roman identity and an agricultural landscape, this paper examines how the imagery of disrupted pastoral and agrarian landscapes and characters represent the effects of civil war on the Roman people in Vergil’s Aeneid and Lucan’s Bellum Civile. While disturbance and turmoil are already a part of the natural landscape in Vergil’s Eclogues and Georgics, in epic, a genre that concerns itself with how empire and imperial power mediate Roman identity, the displacement of shepherds and agriculture partially redefines Roman identity in militaristic terms. Vergil’s pastoral characters, written into military roles as civic landscapes displace agrarian ones in the Aeneid, survive but fail to find a place in Lucan’s ruined and desolate Pharsalian landscape in the Bellum Civile. There, the broken natural landscape, unfit for agriculture, pastoralism, or trade, mirrors the redefinition of what is “Roman” and the occlusion of Rome’s link to an idealized bucolic past.
The paper focuses on the bee-simile (9. 283–293) and its application to Cato. Via a detailed analysis of the motif, the passage, and the context as well as the inter- and intratextual aspects of Lucan’s Bildsprache (especially with respect to Vergil’s Georgics) the author discusses how the Lucanean Cato can be understood and how he may be assessed with regard to an interpretation of the narrative as a whole. The elaborate simile not only gives a frightening insight into the figure’s character, but also, by evoking the similes previously used for Pompey, it inevitably draws the characters into relation with each other. The famous, but perhaps simplistic idea that Cato, the perfect stoic and republican, is the real ‘hero’of the poem, is challenged.
The paper proposes a short reflection on the nature of the post war political transformation in Sierra Leone, taking the visual signs of the streets as a starting point. The author observed the post-conflict democratisation process over five years, between 2008 and 2012, and describes how reading the political slogans, bill boards and popular graffitis allowed her following the subtle socio-economic changes characterising the country. The underlying argument is that the largely externally led liberal peace building using foreign and local NGOs as engines of a deep social transformation was based on abstract promises that ultimately failed to realise. Without effectively changing people’s lives, these abstract promises normalised a value system that prepared a capitalist take offbut ten years after the end of the civil war capitalist development still worked only for a tiny minority, making many people doubt about the benevolent nature of globalisation.
This essay is based on Ken Saro-Wiwa’s novel, titled Sozaboy. Apart from using this novel to interpret and locate the history and politics of Nigeria within a particular period, the essay
tried to look at the 1967–1970 Nigeria’s civil war as fictionalized by Ken Saro-Wiwa, the nature of the language and implications
on the English language in Nigeria. It also attempted an understanding of the moral and political consequences of war on humanity
in general and the special effect of the Nigerian civil war on the minority areas within the Biafran enclave in particular
as epitomized by Dukana, the setting of Sozaboy. The essay concluded that the novel itself was a bold attempt at experimentation
with language, considering the fact that it was written in what the author himself described as “rotten” English.
During the 15th and 16th centuries, a number of long inscriptions were painted on the walls of parish churches in the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The first known example is in the St Elisabeth’s of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice, Slovakia). The earlier inscription in the north-east chapel describes the events between 1387 and 1439 while it is continued in the south transept with a political manifestation on the side of the new-born King Ladislas V, opposed by Wladislas I. Another wall-chronicle is readable in the entrance hall of the St James’ in Lőcse (Leutschau, Levoča, Slovakia). Here the inscription, dated to ca 1500, commemorates events between 1431 and 1494, including local fires and diseases, the coronation of Ladisla V and Wladislas II and the royal meeting of John Albert of Poland and Wladislas II of Hungary held at the city in 1494. On the other side of the entrance hall, a detailed Last Judgement was painted, as the final act of world history. The inscriptions of Lőcse are usually interpreted as a manifestation of the local identity of the Saxons in the Szepes (Zips, Spiš, Slovakia) region, enjoying special privileges. This is probably also true for the second group of wall-chronicles, to be found in Transylvania in the important Saxon towns. The only surviving example is in Szeben (Hermannstadt, Sibiu, Romania), in the gallery of the western hall (Ferula). Beside some national events (coronation of King Matthias, death of Louis II) it is dealing with Transylvanian affairs between 1409 and 1566. A similar chronicle has been documented in Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov, Romania), which started the narrative with the immigration of the Saxons and ended with 1571, with a special attention to the Ottoman wars. Unfortunately the inscriptions have been covered after the fire of 1689. Other wall-chronicles are documented by secondary sources in Segesvár (Säsßburg, Sighișoara), Medgyes (Mediasch, Mediaș), Beszterce (Bistritz, Bistrița), Muzsna (Meschen, Moșna), Baráthely (Pretai, Brateiu) and Ecel (Hetzeldorf, Ațel, all in Romania). While all these were written in Latin, a Hungarian inscription has been preserved in the Calvinist church of Berekeresztúr (Bâra, Romania) in the Szeklerland from the early 17th century. Although a misunderstanding of the sources led some scholars to suppose an inscription or an images cycle with secular content in Buda, these passages refer in reality to the Franciscan friary at Chambery. In international comparison, the Gothic wall-chronicles seem to be a rarity; the best example is known from the cathedral of Genoa, where the rebuilding of the cathedral in the early 14th century is connected to the legendary origin of the city, counterbalancing the civil war between the citizens.
Decorating the walls of churches with letters instead of images is certainly aniconic, but not necessarily un-pretentious. Letters always play a decorative function whenever written on the walls. The letters, especially for the illiterate people, was a special type of ornament. Nevertheless, inscriptions, as far as their letters are readable and languages are understandable, tend to be informative. Interpreting their content depends on different levels of literacy. But they work for all as visual symbols. The longish Latin wall chronicles of Late Gothic parish churches were probably understood by the rich patricians; but the large surfaces close to the entrances might have been meaningful for all others who recognized their significance in local identity-building. The illiterate local people of the Protestant villages were unable to decipher the exact meaning of the inscriptions, even if they were in their native Hungarian language. However, these letters were necessarily eloquent for the entire community: the fact itself that there are letters decorating the walls instead of images was meaningful, reflecting the transformation of Christian culture. The letters themselves, legible or not, had a symbolic value which can be decoded taking into consideration their location, forms and context.
We find three definitions of the saeculum in the Roman world. The Etruscan Century is based on the lives of the human beings and of the different cities in Etruria. We find an echo of these theories in the Roman divination There are two definitions of the century in Rome, a century of 100 and a century of 110 years. This theory, elaborated by the Quindecemviri sacris faciundis and Ateius Capito, has been taken into consideration to celebrate the Secular Games in 17 AD. In fact, the reign of Augustus has been considered as the return of the Golden Age in Italy and in the Roman world, with the end of the civil wars. In Vergil’s poetry, we find a historical conception of the Hesiodic Golden Age. Announced in the fourth Eclogue, the Golden age is localized in the Latium (Georgica) under the power of Augustus (Aeneid).
While memory guarantees a degree of continuity between past and present, it is not without shortcomings. Powerless in the
face of the future and threatened by oblivion, memory has the ability to imprison individuals and communities alike in a version
of the past that has been promoted to the level of historical truth. This is why the work of Lebanese-Canadian playwright
Wajdi Mouawad (a rising figure in the world of French-language theatre) generally prefers the international kind of memory
provided by literature to the historical ties commonly invoked in family retellings of the past. Mouawad’s reworking of memory
is particularly present in his best-known play,Littoral (1997), which addresses the various ways in which institutionalized forms of memory prevent the development of individual
This article concentrates on his more recent playIncendies (2003), where historical memory no longer yields to literary memory, but rather superimposes itself on an intertextual canvas.
While obviously rewriting the Oedipus myth as told by Sophocles (whoseOedipus Rex becomes a “palimpsestuous” plot forIncendies), Mouawad’s text is also replete with references to the civil war in his native Lebanon. Most historical episodes (e.g. the
burnt-out bus of 1975, the Sabra and Chatila refugee camp massacres of 1982) are reworked in function of the dramatic plot,
and it would be unfair to reduceIncendies to a “message” or any other traditional form of “commitment”. Yet Mouawad does not fit the profile of Jean-Paul Sartre’s
“irresponsible” writer either: Lebanon’s civil war, far from being a mere screen onto which the action is projected, informs
this play as much as the oedipal plot does. It is indeed the combination of both semantic networks that allows a real working
through of memory, which is what is at stake here.
1989 Zande Logic and Western Logic . The British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 40 ( 2 ): 275 – 285 .
J ohnson , Douglas H. 2003 The Root Causes of Sudan’s CivilWars. London : The International Africa Institution - Indiana