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promoting the situation of Roma women in several European countries. These are Croatia, Poland, Norway, Great Britain, Germany, and Hungary. Although the history, geographical location and social organization of the countries presented are very different
social organisation. Even though many authors including Martini stressed welfare and happiness as fundamental for the state, in practice the benefits were limited to upper layers, and the position of the sovereign was still dominant. He was the ruler and
where translation is possible. Typically, these would be activities focussing on language teaching, speaking to students or clients of social organizations with an interpreter (possibly a local student), helping with manual activities. Regarding the
Mérei Ferenc a polgári és a szocialista embereszmény feszültségei közepette
Ferenc Mérei in the Middle of Tensions of a Citoyen and Socialist Image of Man
Összefoglaló. Mérei Ferenc (1909–1986) életműve sok nyilvánvaló paradoxont tartalmaz. Ott áll az egyik oldalon az 1945 és 1949 közti kommunista nevelési vezér, aki az általa vezetett budapesti műhelyben és a nagy hatáskörű Országos Neveléstudományi Intézetben aktívan alakította az államilag szervezett szocialista iskolát, és ott van az 1950-től a partvonalra került, majd bebörtönzött értelmiségi, harmadik lépésként pedig az 1970-es évektől a lelki ellenállás alapú, egyéni életmód-szerveződések és csoportterápiák irányítója. Felfogásom szerint a kettősségek nem csupán az élet külsőségeiből fakadó kényszerek következményei, hanem Mérei szellemi arculatára végig jellemző belső dilemmákból fakadtak. A Franciaországban töltött korai 1930-as évek óta élt benne az a hit, hogy összhang teremthető a francia felvilágosodás örökségeként értelmezett baloldali, gyerekközpontú pedagógiai hitvallás (én ezt a polgári, individualizációs eszménynek tartom) és a kommunista társadalomszervezés egyenlősítő centralizációs elvei között. Szervező munkájában, miközben sokat tett azért, hogy a demokratikus eszményképeket követő általános iskola egyenlőség eszméje hassa át a szocialista nevelést, ezt összekapcsolta azzal a hittel, hogy a gyermeki közösségek sajátos érzelmikohó-szerepe meg tudja teremteni az összhangot az egyenlőség és a centralizáció között. Igyekszem rámutatni arra, hogy valójában nehezen összeegyeztethető a polgári individualizáció, mint a modern pszichológia egyik kiindulópontja és a hivatalnok eszményű szocialista közösségi felszabadítás. A gyermekből induló liberális és az egyenlőség elvű baloldali eszmények az oktatás irányába nem olyan könnyen illeszkednek, mint sok baloldali polgár, köztük Mérei hitte volt.
Summary. The work of Ferenc Mérei (1909–1986) the Hungarian social and clinical psychologist and for a time communist educational leader involves several paradoxes. On one hand, we have the leader of the communist education reform between 1945 and 1949, who, as head of the Budapest municipal institute for education and the Countrywide Institute for Educational Research helped shape socialist schooling. On the other hand, from 1950 on, there is the expelled ostracized intellectual, who is even sentenced to prison after the 1956 revolution. As a third step, from the 1970s on, he appears as the leader of small groups, displaying life style reforms relying on mental resistance and resilience. In my view, these dualities are not only due to constraints of external life events, but are embedded in the internal dilemmas of the intellectual tensions continuously characterizing Mérei. From the time he spent in France in the early 1930s he cherished the belief that a harmony could be found between a child-centered educational commitment as a continuation of the heritage of French enlightenment (I consider this to be a citoyen individuation ideal) and the centralizing principles of communist social organization aimed at equalization. In his organizational work while he made many efforts to center socialist education around the program of a comprehensive school based on principles of democratic equality, he connected these to the belief that the peculiar emotional atmosphere of child communities could reconcile equality and centralization. I try to show that bourgeois individualization as one starting point of modern psychology is difficult to reconcile with community liberation with burocratic inspirations. The liberal child based ideals of education are not easy to reconcile with leftist ideals of equality – contrary to what was and is believed by many left wing citoyen thinkers, among them by Mérei.
A tanulmányban a szerző azt vizsgálja, miképpen lehet információkat szerezni arról, hogyan kapcsolódik össze a tér és a társadalmi szervezet. Szerinte a társadalomkutatókat csak akkor érdekli a tér, ha az társadalmi szervezetre vonatkozik. Úgy véli, hogy a tér érzékelésének és értelmezésének folyamatát a kommunikációs elmélet, a társadalmi alaktan és a társadalomökológia fogalmaival lehet elvégezni. A tanulmány a következő két kérdésre keresi a választ: a) milyen hatással van a társadalmi szervezet a térbeli alakzatokra? b) a térbeli alakzatok miként hatnak a társadalmi szervezetre? A cikk végső következtetése, hogy a tér kulturális termék és nem fizikai jelenség.
University Press. 45 Whitley R. (2000) The Intellectual and Social Organization of the Sciences. Oxford, Oxford University Press.
The study presents the characteristics of “trust economy” based on the findings of interviews conducted among countryside small entrepreneurs. There are three aspects of the issue of trust discussed: The use of written records in entrepreneurial contracts, the interdepedency of networks and trust, and the attitude of small entrepreneurs towards banks. Even the written contract does not provide guarantee for the case when the business partner should violate a contract in an economic situation considered as uncertain. They do not trust the administration of justice and/or regard it as low efficiency organizations. The entrepreneurs who know each other very well and belong to the same network are the members of social relations defined by Coleman as closed social structure. Inside that entrepreneurial circle where members are within social sight, giving on credit and money lending is general practice and the agreement on that is often only verbal. The attitude of this group towards banks is negative. The exploitation of social organizations for different from there original function can turn out to be a success or can be a failure. The example for the success is the business based on the trust relationship within the church. On the other hand the effort to exploitation is a failure when in an organization there are too many members with the primary ambition of exploitation. This will not make possible the spontaneous, “organic” way of production of trust.
Europe is not only the land of origin, but also the principal keeper of social rights, since it is associated with the concept of Europeanism. The obvious social restrictions in Hungary as well as in other countries of Europe in recent years make it absolutely reasonable to examine to what social-economic context the discernible withdrawal of welfare services provided by the state is attributable. The similar manifestations are supported by no means by the same system of social conditions. As to its basis and dating back to its historical origin, the current social policy of the EU is framed in the spirit of the conceptual system of the social state. The Fundamental Rights Charter (just as the “European Constitution Treaty”, as part of which it may become mandatory) does not reflect either the labour society or Europe of the peoples, but the conceptions of the capital, of political classes and eurocracy. Nevertheless: considering the power relations of global capitalism, we need to appreciate as an apparent actuality that in the midst of these relations the charter insists not only on the requirement of European unity, but also on a modernised version of the social conceptual system. The purpose of this treatise has been to highlight that social objectives cannot be treated as isolated from their economic and social context. We should not risk balance by the maintenance and preservation of a social-organisational framework via overspending, which altogether contradicts the possibility of development and the sustainability of equilibrated development.
demands of lower secondary education and to what extent segregation or comprehensiveness are fostered. Marhuenda highlights the importance of social organization in the learning economy, where the claim for flexibility in VET is not just to respond to
Nations of Central and Eastern Europe in the near past have all faced the same dilemma: how can they manage international encouragement to adopt atlantic patterns in promise of ready-made routes with immediate success, in a way also promoting the paths of organic development, relying on own resources and potentialities that can only be gained from tradition? Or, otherwise speaking, is it feasible at all to rush forward by rapidly learning all the responses others elaborated elsewhere at a past time? Or are they expected themselves to become Sisyphus bearing his own way, at the price of suffering and bitter disillusionment? The question was not raised by each country individually in the region as not much time was left for pondering in the rapid drift of events. Anyhow, cost-free solutions adopted from without may easily lead to adverse results, far away from expectations for the time being. The principles of free market, democracy and parliamentarism-with rule of law and human rights in the background-are usually believed to offer a kind of panacea curing the basic ills in the contemporary world. Generalised experience notwithstanding, social science has to be given the chance to record-if found so-that the same staff may not work at some places where it has just recently been transplanted as it is used to work amidst its natural surrounding in the western hemisphera, not with the same cost/benefit ratio at the least. For that reason, scholarship in Central and Eastern Europe is growingly aware of the fact that what it can provide is by far not marginal feedback but the very first testing and teasing proof on social embeddedness of some ideas and ideals, deservedly fundamental for the atlantic world. Realistically speaking, not even western social development is separable from the economic reserves of the development actually run. Or, operation of any societal complexity requires resources in both social organisation and material production.
