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Politics and literature traditionally developed in a close contact with each other in Hungary. This paper argues that this intimacy had a particular reason: the fact that Latin educational ideals determined the way youth were brought up well into the 20th century. This had an impact on the way politics was understood here, including the fact that parliamentary debates were carried out in Latin well into the early 19th century.And this had a further consequence as well: literature was not viewed simply as an autonomous field of activity, aiming only at aesthetic merits, but as a way to reflect on the fate of the nation. Lawyers had a professional training in rhetoric and therefore they had a familiarity with classical literature, which led many of them towards their own creative writing. And professional writers, too, had no other education than that of the Latin Christian-Humanist model, which made them representatives of the nation, as well as followers of earlier, classical patterns of writing. These features played a major role in the formation of the two heroes of the paper, the poets Dániel Berzsenyi and Ferenc Kölcsey, who had an internal conflict between each other, but who both embodied the type of late humanist political writers, so characteristic of the reform era of this region of Central Europe.

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literature 83 97 Lausberg, Heinrich 1960/1998. Handbook of literary rhetoric: a foundation for literary study. Brill, Leiden

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Tamás Nótári: Jog, vallás és retorika. Studia Mureniana[Law,Religion and Rhetoric. Studia Mureniana]. Lectum Kiadó, Szeged, 2006. 322 pp.

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translates to economic nationalism in immigration policy. Such policies are fueled by popular anti-immigration rhetoric and panics around high levels of inward migration, seen for example in the continuing popular anti-migration feeling in Europe, despite a

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The present paper intends to highlight some aspects of Cicero’s speech in defence of Marcus Caelius Rufus on 4 April 56 BC on the first day of the Ludi Megalenses. In 56 BC, as a result of peculiar coincidence of political and private relations, Cicero was given the opportunity to deal a heavy blow on Clodius and Clodia in his Pro Caelio, whom he mocked in the trial with murderous humour using the means of Roman theatre, and, thus, arranged a peculiar theatre performance during the Megalensia, which anyway served as the time of the Ludi scaenici. After outlining the circumstances of the lawsuit (I.) and the background of the Bona Dea case that sowed the seeds of the conflict between Cicero and the gens Clodia (II.) in our paper we intend to analyse the rhetoric situation provided by the Ludi Megalenses and genially exploited by Cicero (III.) and the orator’s tactics applied in the speech in defence of Caelius (IV.).

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Abstract

The Hungarian and Polish observations show how the use of the public law is limited in illiberal constitutional states. This paper claims that certain non-legal reasons for effective successful transformation to an illiberal state, such as the emergence of populist rhetoric and morality; the clear lack of political self-restraint and the inability or unwillingness of the people to form a strong and capable civil society or to raise their voice against extreme views or resist an aggressive and clearly unfounded political campaign, have been pre-determined and influenced by the historical and socio-psychological particularities of the nations in question. If this is indeed the case, this may offer another, though obviously non-conclusive, explanation as to why public law measures and mechanisms have failed to preserve liberal democracy.

The paper concludes that overturning illiberal constitutionalism by either political or constitutional and legal means, at the present time, seems doubtful, if not impossible. The historically and psychologically determined national and constitutional identities of Hungary and Poland are not apt to nurture liberal constitutionalism in the long term.

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Phrased in idealistic terms and having benefited from positive and fastidious correlative obligations, economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR) — also termed “claim-rights” — have long been regarded as “poor relatives” of their elder “brothers”, i.e. civil and political rights (CPR) or “liberty-rights”, which are surrounded by an aura of historic authority and judicial force. These rights have often been pushed by doctrine towards the field of legal rhetoric. However, jurisprudence has proved that, despite such criticism, ESCR may well be subject to judicial control, either by the indivisibility principle of human rights or interpreting correlative obligations. The article aims to show that, by virtue of its complex structure, the European system for the protection of human rights contributes to enhancing the judicial efficiency of ESCR in social space. The understanding of this phenomenon may be used by the national advocate for a more efficient handling of international instruments for the protection of human rights. The method used here will be the comparative jurisprudential analysis.

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Literature Bederman , D. J. , Classical Canons Rhetoric, Classicism and Treaty Interpretation (Ashgate 2001 ). Козюбра, M

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Hematológia–Transzfuziológia
Authors: Ágnes Vincze, Andrea Megyeri, Antónia Losonczi, Éva Pintér, Zsolt Nagy, and Judit Demeter

. Crisis and renewal. [A krónikus betegségek lélektana. Válság és megújulás.] Budapest: L’Harmattan; 2018. [Hungarian] 9 Frank AW. The rhetoric of self

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interpersonal rhetorics]. In: Általános Nyelvészeti Tanulmányok 20: 195-219. A túlzás szerepe a személyközi retorikában [The role of hyperbole in interpersonal rhetorics] Általános Nyelvészeti Tanulmányok

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