This paper is a response to a recent debate paper in which Aarseth et al. argue that the inclusion of a formal diagnosis and categories for problematic video gaming or Gaming Disorder (GD) in the World Health Organization’s 11th Revision of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) is premature and therefore the proposal should be removed. The present authors systematically address all the six main arguments presented by Aarseth et al. and argue that, even though some of the concerns presented in the debate paper are legitimate, the inclusion of GD in ICD-11 has more advantages than disadvantages. Furthermore, the present authors also argue that the two GD subtypes (“GD, predominantly online” and “GD, predominantly offline”) are unnecessary and rather problematic; the main category for GD would be perfectly sufficient.
Authors:Ágnes Zsila, Lynn E. McCutcheon and Zsolt Demetrovics
Background and aims
Celebrity worship, defined as an obsessive fascination with a famous person, has been associated with several mental health problems, such as symptoms of depression and anxiety, dissociation, and body image concerns. The aim of this study was to extend the scope of investigation of previous research on psychological correlates by exploring the association of celebrity worship with compulsive behaviors, such as problematic Internet use, maladaptive daydreaming, desire for fame, and self-efficacy.
A voluntary sample of 437 Hungarian adolescents and adults (78.3% male; Mage = 24.7 years, SD = 7.4) completed an online questionnaire focusing on attitudes toward celebrities and other relevant variables.
As a result of hierarchical regression analyses, high levels of celebrity worship were associated with problematic Internet use, maladaptive daydreaming, and desire for fame. Furthermore, females were at higher risk to become obsessed with celebrities than males.
Discussion and conclusion
These findings provide with a more comprehensive picture of psychological difficulties associated with celebrity worship and may contribute to a better understanding of this phenomenon.
Authors:Aniko Maraz, Orsolya Király and Zsolt Demetrovics
Background and Aims
Survey-based studies often fail to take into account the predictive value of a test, in other words, the probability of a person having (or not having) the disease when scoring positive (or negative) on the given screening test.
We re-visited the theory and basic calculations of diagnostic accuracy.
In general, the lower the prevalence the worse the predictive value is. When the disorder is relatively rare, a positive test finding is typically not useful in confirming its presence given the high proportion of false positive cases. For example, using the Compulsive Buying Scale (Faber & O’Guinn, 1992) three in four people classified as having compulsive buying disorder will in fact not have the disorder.
Screening tests are limited to serve as an early detection “gate” and only clinical (interview-based) studies are suitable to claim that a certain behaviour is truly “pathological”.
Authors:Mark D. Griffiths, Zsolt Demetrovics and Paweł A. Atroszko
Background and aims
Research into work addiction has steadily grown over the past decade. However, the literature is far from unified and there has been much debate on many different issues.
Aim and methods
This paper comprises a narrative review and focuses on 10 myths about work addiction that have permeated the psychological literature and beyond. The 10 myths examined are (a) work addiction is a new behavioral addiction, (b) work addiction is similar to other behavioral addictions, (c) there are only psychosocial consequences of work addiction, (d) work addiction and workaholism are the same thing, (e) work addiction exclusively occurs as a consequence of individual personality factors, (f) work addiction only occurs in adulthood, (g) some types of work addiction are positive, (h) work addiction is a transient behavioral pattern related to situational factors, (i) work addiction is a function of the time spent engaging in work, and (j) work addiction is an example of overpathogizing everyday behavior and it will never be classed as a mental disorder in the DSM.
Using the empirical literature to date, it is demonstrated that there is evidence to counter each of the 10 myths.
It appears that the field is far from unified and that there are different theoretical constructs underpinning different strands of research.
Authors:Paweł A. Atroszko, Zsolt Demetrovics and Mark D. Griffiths
In an unprecedented collaborative effort to integrate the existing knowledge on work addiction and delineate trajectories for future studies, several papers from work addiction researchers (including some of the most prolific experts in the field) have contributed to the debate on the misconceptions/myths about this problematic behavior. On the basis of the overview of the presented arguments, the most commonly proposed recommendations were that there should be: (a) a general definition of work addiction, (b) the need for more transdisciplinary and integrative approach to research, and (c) propositions regarding more high-quality research. These three aspects are summarized in the present paper. There is a general agreement among work addiction researchers that work addiction is a problematic behavior that merits more systematic studies, which require input and expertise from a wide range of fields due to its complex nature.