Jakab Máté: A 19. századi nyelvtudomány rövid története [A short history of linguistics in the 19th century]. Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest, 1997, 216 pp.; Jakab Máté: A 20. századi nyelvtudomány történetének főbb elméletei és irányzatai [The main theories and trends of the history of linguistics in the 20th century]. Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest, 1998, 359 pp.; Jakab Máté: A nyelvtudomány (vázlatos) története az ókortól a 19. század elejéig [An outline of the history of linguistics from antiquity to the beginning of the 19th century]. Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest, 2003, 357 pp.
The morphological analysis of Hungarian in the early period of grammatical work was based on three interlaced traditions: Classical Graeco-Roman, Hebrew and German. These were applied to languages that were structurally very much unlike Hungarian. The evolution of morphological analysis was therefore a relatively slow and complicated process, whose milestones discussed in this paper, the four earliest grammars of Hungarian, all represent different stages of development. The grammar by Pál Pereszlényi, which is analysed in some detail here, surpasses the earlier grammars in its acumen on at least three counts: the same set of analytical terms is applied in the description of nominal and verbal morphology; the notions of bound stem and relative stem are clearly recognised; a distinction is made between stems as morphological constituents and word forms serving as starting points of paradigms.
This paper examines the phonological entities called labiovelar stops in Classical Latin. The status of these entities involves the question whether they are segments (i.e., labiovelar stops) or clusters (i.e., sequences of a stop and a glide). The arguments for either position are discussed in detail and the literature is critically reviewed. The types of evidence that are taken into account are facts of frequency, phonetics, phonotactics, alternations and a specific assimilation process, and certain diachronic points are also considered. The conclusion is that the balance tilts slightly, but not definitively, towards the cluster interpretation.
This paper offers a comprehensive analysis of the inflectional morphology of Latin in terms of the patterns of allomorphy and the environments governing the distribution of allomorphs. It is demonstrated that all the attested allomorphic alternations can be described as functions of a vocalic scale, practically the sonority scale of vowels plus the undifferentiated class of consonants as the least sonorous extreme. The distribution of allomorphs along the vocalic scale crucially displays the property of contiguity, i.e., the subsections of the scale that trigger one particular allomorph are uninterrupted.