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Abstract

According to our initial assumption, there would be two characteristic strategies for Romani catching up. One strategy is to lift the Romanies out of poverty and bring their living conditions closer to the average living conditions of the majority society. According to the other strategy, Romanies create a national minority in the majority society. It should be supported so that the members of the community could preserve their national characteristics and exercise their minority rights. By reviewing the literature (e.g., Armillei 2014; Boscoboinik & Giordano 2008; Ladányi & Szelényi 2016) we searched in which country which strategies are being followed by current governments. The result is that these strategies coexist within a country and are increasingly intermingled according to existing governments. The reason for this phenomenon is the recent changes in Romani societies and the emergence of new middle classes. There are both economic and cultural conditions for emerging these middle classes. A successful Romani strategy has to contain therefore, both economic and cultural actions. The governments of the region must contribute not only to the catching-up of the Romanies but also to the formation of their Romani middle classes.

Abstract

What happens, if a university moves to a town that never had a higher education institution previously? What is the impact of this development both on the community and the institution? The aim of this paper is to answer this question. The authors use the concept of ‘social innovation’ for understanding the developments. An institute may initiate, organise and coordinate all kinds of learning that takes place in a given community (Bradford, 2003). To do so, the institute may have to change its missions (not only its third, but also its first, second and third ones. These developments could be interpreted as a ‘social innovation’ during which the local economy and society was challenged and they looked for new responses. As suggested in the ‘social innovation’ literature the main research method was participatory research, combined with structured and semi-structured interviews, story-telling and narrative analyses. As a result, three interest groups could be described with various requirements different demands toward the university; while the university had to modify its structure, curriculum and communications. The main lesson to learn is that ’social innovation’ as a frame of interpretation can be used to understand the developmental processes that occurred between the locals and a new university.

Összefoglaló. A társadalmi innovációt és közösségi tanulást kutatók általában társadalmi méretű természeti katasztrófákból indulnak ki (Moulaert et al. 2013: 113–130). Mi a járványt próbáljuk úgy tekinteni, mint az egész közösséget érő kihívást, amely új tanulásokat és innovációkat eredményez (Márkus–Kozma 2019: 5–17). Paradigmatikus kutatási módszerünk a résztvevő megfigyelés (Moulaert–MacCallum 2019: 115–120). Ezt kiegészítjük a szociális média elemzésével, valamint célzott interjúkkal és folyamatos monitorozással. Az események lefutására példaként az oktatást (tanárokat, tanulókat, szülőket és fönntartókat) használtuk. Négy lakossági csoportot és jellegzetes magatartásaikat sikerült körvonalaznunk a kormányzat mint aktor mellett: a „lojálisakat”, a „vádaskodókat”, az „aktívakat” és az „innovatívakat”. Az oktatásügy története a járványveszély idején változó dinamikát mutat. A járványveszély kihirdetésekor a civilek innovativitása fellángolt; ezt azonban a kormányzati adminisztráció később fokozatosan visszaszorította. A kívánatos ezzel szemben a felek partnersége lett volna.

Summary. Researchers of social innovation and community (social) learning usually start their analyses from natural disasters (Moulaert et al. 2013: 113–130). In this paper, we defined the first six weeks of pandemic threat (COVID-19) in Hungary as a community-wide challenge that resulted in new learning and innovation (Márkus–Kozma 2019: 5–17). We choose participatory observation as the main research method (Moulaert–MacCallum 2019: 115–120) which was complemented by social media analysis as well as targeted interviews and ongoing monitoring. We used education (teachers, students, parents and owners of institutions) as an example. We outlined four population groups and their typical attitudes towards the government’s anti-virus education policy: the “loyal”, the “accuser”, the “active” and the “innovative”. The education policy showed changing dynamics at the time of the epidemic threat. When the threat was announced, the innovativeness of civilians flared up; however, this was later gradually suppressed by government decisions. The desired, on the other hand, would have been a partnership between the parties.

Összefoglaló. A befogadás (inklúzió) eredetileg a szegénypolitika (szociálpolitika) szakkifejezése volt. Onnan terjedt át a társadalompolitikába és a pedagógiába (gyógypedagógia). A Lisszaboni Egyezmény (2000) óta az Európai Unió hivatalos állásfoglalásaiban visszatérően szerepel mint törekvés a „társadalmi kohézió” erősítésére. A jogvédelem eredete visszanyúlik az 1960-as évtized amerikai polgárjogi mozgalmára. Két eset ismertetésével a szerzők bemutatják a kétféle mozgalom hasonlóságait és különbségeit; összekapcsolva őket a roma/cigány oktatáspolitika dilemmáival. A roma/cigány szegénység még mindig szükségessé teszi a befogadás politikáját. Ugyanakkor a szegénységből kiemelkedő roma/cigány középosztály köreiben erősödik a politizálás szándéka és a jogvédelem igénye.

Summary. “Inclusion” has initially been a social policy term. Its use spread from there to policies of welfare, healthcare and education (special education). Inclusion has repeatedly mentioned since the Treaty of Lisbon (2007) in European Union resolutions as an effort to strengthen “social cohesion”. “Legal protection”, on the other hand, goes back to the American civil rights movement of the 1960s. By describing two Hungarian cases, the authors present the similarities and differences between the two policies; linking them to the dilemmas of Roma education policy. Inclusion as a social policy is still necessary because of existing Roma poverties. At the same time, the intention to politicize and the need for legal protection is growing among the new Roma middle class, which emerges out of poverty and steps into the political arena.

Abstract

This paper summarizes the trends in research about student experiences in out-of-school time (OST) in countries of Europe. The analysis is based on a review of the content of research papers published between 1999 and 2019 in about 36 European countries. OST is recognized as an important aspect of students’ educational experiences that deserves increased research attention. A significant portion of students in all countries participate in OST activities either to improve their school performance or to engage in social activities. Under conditions where parents and students believe that the formal school system is weak, the OST educational experiences may be considered to be necessary to make a significant or necessary contribution to a student’s success compared with formal school itself. Because OST activities are undertaken in a free market their form and structure vary because of differences in the countries’ historical development, condition of public education, and the social, economic, cultural, and political factors that influence the educational systems. The analysis presents examples of how in some European countries conceptual models of OST have been expanded, adapted OST practices for regular school systems, and evaluated the outcomes. This review of the definitions of OST, of evaluations of its impact, and of the evidence for its effect on equality of educational opportunity throughout 36 European countries concludes that the studies provide contradictory messages. Greater consistency in conceptual development could be increased over time as researchers across countries review each other’s strategies and share methods and results.