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distributivity in pluralities . In A. K. Biller , E. Y. Chung and A. E. Kimball (eds.) Proceedings of the 36th Annual Boston University Conference on Language Development (BUCLD) . Somerville, MA : Cascadilla Press . 387 – 399 . Schlottmann

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Across languages, the morpheme expressing conjunction frequently has other uses as well. Several linguists have attempted to unify all uses of conjunction morphemes under one general algebraic scheme. We argue in favor of a more limited unification and propose a universal decomposition of conjunction structures: We propose that there exist both a “nominal” e-type and “verbal” or “clausal” t-type junctor. Our account is substantiated with evidence from synchronic typology and diachrony. Our analysis hinges on a generalisation, that e-conjunctors, but crucially not t-conjunctors, may have non-conjunctional quantificational meanings. Historically, we invoke the same principle to explain the change in the conjunction grammar of Indo-European which uniformly abandoned the e- and adopted the t-level conjunctions across the board.

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A semantics for various classes of Czech numerals is presented which is based on Landman’s theory but also incorporates Chierchia’s Neo-Carlsonian approach to kinds. On the basis of a wide range of empirical data it is argued that Czech overtly lexicalizes at least two covert “sort-shifting” operators that have been stipulated in order to derive certain fine-grained semantic effects.

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Acta Linguistica Academica
Authors:
Alexis Wellwood
,
Susan J. Hespos
, and
Lance Rips

: Distributivity as a bridge between aspect and measurement . Oxford : Oxford University Press . Champollion , Lucas and Manfred Krifka . 2016 . Mereology . In M. Aloni and P. Dekker (eds.) The Cambridge handbook of formal semantics . Cambridge

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.’ When the verb has plural agreement, as in (3a), the plurative subject refers to individuals performing distributive actions, but when it has feminine singular agreement, as in (3b), the subject is viewed as a collective unit performing a group action

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distributive, but also other (non-iconic) meanings, such as to express a particular tense or conversion between word classes. Since the base and the reduplicant (RED) are phonologically and morphologically related, an identity relation exists between them which

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ambiguity between distributive and collective readings] . In Z. Bánréti (ed.) Kísérletes nyelvészet [Experimental Linguistics] (ÁNYT 29) . Budapest

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the only structure. The ellipsis structure predicts that CCA would not be compatible with the collective interpretation where the two conjuncts interact with each other. For example, (3) is predicted to only have the distributive interpretation and not

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prefix ‘e- . 13 As witnessed in Table 4 (based on Elbert & Pukui 1979 , 158–160), the interpretation of ‘e- as an affix is corroborated by the fact that it is replaced by another morpheme in distributive

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whole phrase's distribution – negation ( no student ), person ( you students ), definiteness, number ( these student s, some sheep ), distributivity ( every student ).” ( Hudson 1990 , 271) The

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