ortodoxia története Magyarországon a XVIII. századig . Szeged, 1995. 77–83.
Кочиш 1999–2001 = The Szeged Minea . A Cyrillic Manuscript from the Late 16th Century . A text edition by Mihály Kocsis. (Bibliotheca Slavica Savariensis
manuscript in German, 1-3. Words of introduction at the Kodály centenary concert of the Conservatory of Lucerne. Delivered on 7 January 1983, read by the author. Manuscript. Budapesst, Institute for Musicology of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Veress
The first written evidence that is usually connected to the statue of the Virgin Mary in the Franciscan church of Csíksomlyó (Șumuleu Ciuc, Schomlenberg) dates from 1624, when an inventory mentions a sculpture of the Virgin and Child on a secondary altarpiece dedicated to the Holy Virgin. The identification with the present figure is however only hypothetic. Sure is, that the statue was placed on the new high altarpiece, executed by joiner János Nyerges/Hannes Sadler from Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov) in 1664. Nothing is known on the figure previous to these dates and we have no information on its original provenance. The dimensions (of 210 cm without her baroque crown) and the way the backside is carved suggest, that the figure surely belonged to an important altarpiece of quite large dimensions, with a shrine probably higher than 3 - 3,50 meters.
The Franciscan manuscripts from the 17th-18th centuries never mention that the figure would have ever belonged to the (high) altarpiece of the Csíksomlyó monastery church, instead they repeat that its provenance is unknown, only explained by legends. One of these legends, which has a certain probability though, noted by Leonard Losteiner in his manuscript dedicated to the sculpture of the Virgin Mary and her miracles, says that the statue could have been brought from the village of Höltövény (Heldsdorf, Hălchiu), a church which even today preserves its notably large winged altarpiece, with a shrine of 361 cm, which would perfectly fit the figure in point. Also the local historical literature knows of some devotional figures having been once moved from Höltövény to Csíksomlyó. However, the idea remains a hypothesis until it can be proved. Sure is, that only the workshops of the Transylvanian Saxon towns were prepared to produce at the beginning of the 16th century sculptures of such dimensions.
A detailed observation of the statue shows that a number of its characteristics differ a lot from the style known at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The figure was most probably slightly remodelled, renewed, repaired perhaps with the occasion of its placement to the high altarpiece in 1664, but later interventions are also possible.
The fact, that the figure was brought to Csíksomlyó and placed on the high altarpiece of the church in a new function of a cult image could have to do with the introduction of the Pentacost pilgrimage, the first mention of which dates to 1649. The first miracles of the statue are documented right after its placement on the high altar and these have probably contributed to the spread of the new pilgrimage and through this to the renewal of the monastery itself, almost completely depopulated by the second half of the sixteenth century.
The Vienna Hours, illuminated by the artist known as the “Master of Mary of Burgundy”, was originally commissioned by Margaret of York. The later parts of the manuscript commemorate the love and marriage between Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian of Habsburg, and their (newborn or expected) child.
The miniatures and texts in question convey the same idea expressed on several occasions by the official historian, Jean Molinet: in the Burgundian court, the duchess was venerated as the Virgin Mary (and in consequence of this, Maximilian – and Philip – came to be revered as the Saviour, and Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, as the Father). Underlying the tendency to identify Mary of Burgundy with the Virgin Mary was the situation of Burgundy and its heiress, which was understood by means of salvation-historical analogies. In the book of hours, the figures of the two Marys are conflated several times in a variety of ways (fols. 14v, 19v, 43v, 94v, 99v). The hymn in praise of the heavenly joys of the Virgin Mary, which is organically related to the frontispiece image, is thus (also) a chanted sequence for the eternal beatitude of the young bride. The painter conjured up the imaginary figure of Maximilian in the foreground of the two miniatures with window scenes, while the jewels in the border around the image of the Crucifixion scene allude to Margaret of York. These miniatures have a playful tone (as evidenced by the role-swapping between the Marys, the book-within-a-book, picture-within-a-picture, vision-within-a-vision, trompe l’oeil solutions, and the complex dialogue between objects, materials and locations).
There are a number of factors supporting the argument that the miniatures, hitherto attributed to the Master of Mary of Burgundy, were illuminated by Hugo van der Goes, who was a resident of the Red Cloister at the time, and that he was commissioned by the Austrian Archduke. The date of 1478 is rendered likely by stylistic and biographical factors (the paintings Hugo made in the cloister, both before and after, his later illness, the visit of Maximilian, the birth of Philip the Handsome). It was also at this time that Jean Molinet wrote Le Chappellet des dames, which makes multiple comparisons between the duchess and the Virgin Mary, and whose imagery is often echoed in the folios of the Vienna Hours. It is possible that the first (co-)owner of the manuscript was Maximilian of Habsburg.
Since the territories of the ancient patriarchate of Aquileia did not share the same historical development, the eastern, Austrian part of the patriarchate, comprising the land of Carniola, but also the southern parts of Styria and Carinthia, must be regarded as a special area within the Aquileian ecclesiastical province. There is a repertoire of 23 poetic (or to some extent poetic) offices preserved in the manuscripts from this region. Its main characteristic appears to be the mixture of south German and Aquileian creations, the latter layer consisting of four offices for four groups of local Aquileian saints. Judging by the sources preserved, these offices circulated only within the patriarchate; however, one of them (the poetic office of the Cancius' family) seems to be unique to the antiphonary from Kranj/Krainburg. The Aquileian offices appear to have come into being in different periods from the late 13th to the late 15th centuries; they therefore disclose different musical characteristics that do not allow us to conceive of them as representing a distinct and stylistically unified group of musical creations. The study has three objectives: presents the repertoire of the poetic offices, analyses the repertoire according to the origin of its items, compares some basic traits of those offices.
On the occasion of Béla Bartók's 125th birthday a meeting of Bartók scholars from all over the world in the Budapest Bartók Archives is an exclusive event. Bartók's name in a way serves as a world passport, it demonstrates the great achievements of a small nation, a phenomenon that politicians abuse. Bartók was an exceptional man whose spirit radiates for those who come in contact with his art and life, with legacy, the manuscripts of his compositions and his ethnomusicological work. The international conferences dedicated to Béla Bartók's oeuvre and world do influence Bartók studies considerably. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences or directly the Bartók Archives have organized several conferences in the past forty-five years. For the 125th anniversary a call for papers on the internet was enough to set dozens of musicologists, including many ambitious young scholars form twenty countries in motion. This is a surprising experience even if if we acknowledge that the perspectives and the rank of Bartók studies considerably improved in the past decade.
The year 1955 has a special importance for the compositional thinking in Hungary, because it was the year in which Ernő Lendvai's studies of Béla Bartók appeared (Bartók's Style and An Introduction to the Analysis of Bartók's Works). These writings were intended to prove the modernity of his music, a modernity that was comparable to Western-European dodecaphony and serialism. Hungarian composers, attempting to liberate themselves from the dictatorical aesthetic theory of the fifties, saw in Lendvai's publications a kind of instruction book, a Kompositionslehre which could help them to renew Hungarian composition. Model scales, Bartók's harmonic formulas and the Golden Section were understood in this context as devices of modernity in new music. Young Hungarian composers had begun to follow Bartók's path as early as in the mid-twenties. Until 1955, however, this had meant only a stylistic imitation of his works: Bartók's musical language represented for them the modern manner of self-expression. The consequence of Lendvai's publications was that composers could move away from style imitation and build on some Bartókian constructional principles in their compositions. I take Endre Szervánszky's Second String Quartet (1956-57) and its manuscript sources as a case study demonstrating how the composer worked with scale models, the golden section and other elements of Lendvai's theory. As I argue, Szervánszky's work is an emblematic but also a complex case, for he strove to combine the Bartókian method with a kind of serialism.