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28 249 258 Ecsedy, Ildikó (1984): Ancient Turk (T'u-chüeh) [Tu jue] Burial Customs. AOH Vol. XXXVIII , pp. 263

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In the past two decades, the number of archaeological explorations significantly increased in the densely built-up 11th district of Budapest, the area called Lágymányos. The recent excavations not once of large extent reveal a much more detailed picture of the Roman city structure and topography of the area that belongs to the vicinity of Aquincum, south of the Gellérthegy.

Considering the information obtained from previous smaller scale excavations (i.e. Kende Str. 8–10, Gellért Square) and the more recent excavations of a larger extent (Skála Department Store, Bercsényi Rd.) we may come to the conclusion that the area south of Gellérthegy called Lagymányos today was occupied by an indigenous Celtic vicus of the early imperial period. The composition of the findings of the different sites was almost identical. There was a strong indigenous (Celtic) component along with products of “provincial” ceramic production of the 1st and the 2nd century AD. The amount of imported ware found was insignificant in all sites. Excavated building structures (pit-houses, storage pits, ceramic kilns, industrial workshops) show the characteristics of a village-like settlement. According to Samian ware finds the settlement evolved in the Claudian era, flourished under the Flavians, slowly depopulated in the 2nd century, and was abandoned by its last inhabitants in the Severan era at the latest. Part of its population likely moved to this area from the native settlement of Tabán ceased under Tiberius.

The slow dissolution of the settlement refers to its inhabitants leaving the area because of economical reasons. The municipium of Aquincum starting to flourish in the mid 2nd century offering a better living for the inhabitants. The antique name of the vicus is not known. In terms of topography, the vicus of Lágymányos evolved in a favourable position. The southern slopes of Gellérthegy were a safe place to settle at, besides there were excellent quality clay sources along the Danube. A wide valley leads in the direction of today’s Budaörs through which trade and transportation could easily be carried out.

In the last one and a half decades several significant indigenous vici were excavated in the area of Budapest (BudaörsKamaraerdei-dűlő, Biatorbágy-Kukorica-dűlő, Páty-Malom-dűlő). The distance of these vici from one another is approximately equally about 6 kms. A group of sites (Kelenhegyi Rd. 27, Mányoki Str. 16, and the southern slopes of Gellérthegy) are linked to cemeteries instead of settlements. The majority of names on the epitaphs and the clothing and jewelry depicted on the steles dating back to the period between the last third of the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd century refer to the native Celtic population (one exception being Valerius Crescens who probably passed away as a veteranus). The vessels unearthed at Mányoki u. 16. referring to a cremation burial can also easily be fitted into the series of cemeteries of the early imperial age. Accordingly, a cemetery that belonged to the above vicus lied on the southern, south-western slopes of the Gellérthegy.

In conclusion, it is ascertainable, that after cross-checking data from the sporadic, mosaic-like excavation sites of Lágymányos, we localized an unknown (or interpreted otherwise previously) early Roman (1st–2nd century AD) indigenous vicus south of the Gellérthegy. The approximate extent of the vicus’ cemetery and several burials and steles are also known implying this being a complex settlement, not a potter’s workshop or a temporary settlement as it was previously believed.

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This paper synthetises knowledge concerning the spread of the paredros type statuette in Roman Dacia. Thus, we examined their manner of distribution, the workshops, and most importantly their significance. The author notes that these statuettes were discovered solely in Dacia Superior and Porolissensis, especially in the former. He highlights the fact that these statuettes were found in the area of the most developed urban planning, along the Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa–Apulum–Potaissa–Porolissum line, in highly Romanised towns with important military units stationed nearby. Similarly, it shows the important role the Apulum urban centre played in producing and distributing these votive statuettes. The author concludes that these statuettes are additional evidence of the lower classes’ affiliation to imperial power. Due to the spread of the Jupiter cult in Apulum, it is no wonder that people sought to obtain a cheaper variant, accessible to the poor. Due to this aspect, as well as the sober, rigid stance of the characters, we attribute them to the deities Jupiter and Juno. Considering that such statuettes were not found in burials, it is unlikely that they were funerary offerings that were more likely to depict the divine couple Pluto and Proserpine. The statuettes cannot represent local Dacian deities since the conquered population is rarely mentioned in provincial inscriptions with anthroponyms (just over two percent), and sculptural or epigraphic monuments do not represent the deities of the ancient local pantheon. Furthermore, in the urban environment where these votive terracottas were produced, the presence of the Thracian-Dacian population is almost never mentioned epigraphically (more than 1% of epigraphs depict anthroponyms) or archaeologically.

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A salvage excavation preceding a major investment project was conducted in 2006–2007, during which associated settlement features of a Middle Neolithic, Eastern Linear Pottery Culture (Alföld Linearbandkeramik — ALBK) were uncovered in an area called Piócási-dűlő on the eastern outskirts of Polgár. The features of the ALBK settlement date from two periods. The cluster of multi-functional pits yielding a rich assortment of finds, the handful of post-holes and an unusual ritual well found in the southern part of the investigated area formed one unit from the earliest phase of the Middle Neolithic (ALBK I). The settlement’s other occupation can be assigned to the late phase of the Middle Neolithic (ALBK IV). Five houseplans representing the remains of timber-framed buildings outlined a distinct area with three multi-functional pits. Associated with the above features were 8 burials.The preliminary archaeobotanical results from Polgár-Piócási-dűlő are based on the plant material found within the sediments of 11 archaeological structures, which mainly represent pits and a welI. It can be stated that the natural environment offered habitats in which oak trees dominated in the local vegetation, forming floodplain forests and wooded steppes. They also provided food in the form of fruits and formed an optimal habitat for domestic animals. Arable fields were probably also established in the vicinity of the settlements, suggested by findings of macroscopic plant remains that represented cultivated species.In both settlement phases lithic production activities are manifested both by the local on-site lithic production and — most importantly — by the presence of imported, mainly mesolocal, raw materials that point to contacts with deposit areas, or off-site preliminary working of obsidian and limnoquartzites. The kit of harvesting tools and a large number of grinding stones — especially in the younger phase — for the preparation of plant food suggest a major role of plant cultivation.

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Abstract  

In most cases the measurement of radioactivity in an environmental or biological sample will be followed by some estimation of dose and possibly risk, either to a population or an individual. This will normally involve the use of a dose coefficient (dose per unit intake value) taken from a compendium. In recent years the calculation of dose coefficients has seen many developments in both biokinetic modelling and computational capabilities. ICRP has recommended new models for the respiratory tract and for the systemic behavior of many of the more important elements. As well as this, a general age-dependent calculation method has been developed which involves an effectively continuous variation of both biokinetic and dosimetric parameters, facilitating more realistic estimation of doses to young people. These new developments were used in work for recent ICRP, IAEA and CEC compendia of dose coefficients for both members of the public (including children) and workers. This paper presents a general overview of the method of calculation of internal doses with particular reference to the actinides. Some of the implications for dose coefficients of the new models are discussed. For example it is shown that compared with data in ICRP Publications 30 and 54: the new respiratory tract model generally predicts lower deposition in systemic tissues per unit intake; the new biokinetic models for actinides allow for burial of material deposited on bone surfaces; age-dependent models generally feature faster turnover of material in young people. All of these factors can lead to substantially different estimates of dose and examples of the new dose coefficients are given to illustrate these differences. During the development of the new models for actinides, human bioassay data were used to validate the model. Thus, one would expect the new models to give reasonable predictions of bioassay quantities. Some examples of the bioassay applications, e.g., excretion data for the plutonium model, are discussed briefly.

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Abstract

Provostry in Székesfehérvár was destroyed in the time of the osmanic occupation of Hungary. Its relics have been uncovered by archaeological excavations since the 19th century, and this study deals with a short description of the history of the building based on the research results up to day. The problems of eventual traces of the support system of the church built in the first decades of the 11th century are here discussed as well as those concerning its western part. The periodization of the western building of the 11th century church (demolished in the 13th century) and the cloister in the south could be treated here for the first time. In connection with the great rebuilding of the church in the 12th century mainly the problem of the dating of great wall blocks, interpreted as fundaments for buttresses, are discussed. Contrary to the opinion of those who want to place these into the context of the great 11th century rebuilding, according to her their construction in the 11th century appears as the most probable. In another old question of the building history, int that of the enlarging the nave pillars in order of narrowing the middle space before its vaulting, she proposes a date under King Charles Robert. She also treats the identifictaion of the burial chapel of King Louis the Great and two big foundation and two places of foundations ont he south part, all of the 15th century. It is looking for further researches, how these walls, which apparently belonged to the the 15th century buttressing system of the church, were related to the building activities of King Mathias Corvinus.

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We have more than a thousand manuscripts of the great hagiographical collection, the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine from the 13th century, but there is only one codex which not only illustrated the text but translated it into a language of images. It is related to the Hungarian Anjous, that is why the codex is titled 'Hungarian Angevin Legendary'. The pages of the codex are spread over different collections of the world. Nowadays 58 legends are known on 142 pages, altogether 549 images. Some more important legends, as that of the apostles or the Anjous' favourite saint, King Ladislas, occupy 20-24 images. The paper tries to demonstrate two examples. St. Martin and St. Gerard, of how these cycles were organised. Two pictures of the supposed eight are emphasising the role of Martin as a bishop. Five images show the miracles of the saint and only one is consecrated to the charity of St. Martin, to the event which is his most popular story. Martin is the symbolic saint who gives half his goods to the poor. This scene is the most frequently represented in medieval art. In the Hungarian Angevin Legendary his miraculous activity is much more emphasized which is correlated with the written legend. The legend of St. Gerard is preserved completely in the Legendary. The first picture represents the saint discussing with King St. Stephen. On the second image the saint is represented as a hermit at Bakonybél with a book in his hand. The third one depicts the consecration of St. Gerard to the bishop of Csanád, on the next picture he is preaching to the people. The following pictures show his martyrdom and burial. It can be supposed that the painter(s) of the Hungarian Angevin Legendary could not use any iconographical tradition working on the cycle of St. Gerard.

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A budavári koronázó főtemplom mint királyi temetkező hely

III. Béla és Antiochiai Anna sírja és síremléke a Mátyás-templomban

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author: Lilla Farbakyné Deklava

After his death Béla III (r. 1172-96) was buried in the venue of coronations and burials of medieval Hungarian kings, the provost church of the Virgin in Székesfehérvár. After the Ottoman rule and the subsequent demise of the church the location of the grave fell into oblivion. The king’s and his wife’s mortal remains were found accidentally in December 1848. Custos of the National Museum János Érdy had the valuable finds and the rest of the grave goods transported to the museum. The significance of the discovery was largely enhanced when scientific research soon verified that it was Béla III’s grave, the only identified royal grave in Székesfehérvár.

During the military operations of the ongoing war of liberation of 1848/49, then in the period of retaliations after the crushing of the freedom fighting the idea of reburying the royal remains in the manner they reserved could not even be raised. In 1859 Ágoston Kubinyi, director of the National Museum commissioned Ferenc Reitter to make a plan for the extension of the museum. The arcade in classical or Rundbogenstil to be erected on the rear limit of the plot would have been terminated at either end with a chapel. Kubinyi wanted to deposit the royal remains and the grave goods in a worthy environment in the chapels. Governor of Hungary Móric Pálffy was shocked to find during a visit to the museum that the bones were in the museum and visitors were allowed to view them without, he thought, the right conditions of reverence being available. He immediately ordered the remains to be buried quietly. In vain did Kubinyi argue that the planned chapels would be worthy places of rest for them, the political situation still did not allow that the grave of the only identified king of the Árpád dynasty be buried in the museum of the nation, in such an exposed place. The remains of the royal couple were buried in the baroque crypt of the Matthias Church on 10 July 1862 in a simple funeral ceremony celebrated by archbishop of Esztergom János Scitovszky. The memorial service was held a year later on 26 March 1863 when a (new) verification process at the Academy of Sciences had confirmed that the remains did belong to Béla III and his wife.

Owing to the reconstruction of the Matthias Church begun under Frigyes Schulek’s guidance in 1873, the remains were transferred to the Anthropological Institute in 1883 where the director Aurl Török put them to scrutiny. The protraction of the renovation also kept putting off the case of reburial. The consecration of the church took place in 1896 as part of the millenary festivities. However, the theme of the festive series was much more Francis Joseph I and the restored Hungarian constitutionalism than the thousand-year-old Hungarian state, consequently the ceremonious reburial of Béla III was left out of the program, although it had been called for by the press. After 1896 at last Aurél Török launched a press campaign and a parliamentary interpellation on 13 February 1897 cata lyzed the events. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Dezső Bánffy the minister of religion and public education Gyula Wlassics organized the royal reburial in cooperation with the Monuments Commission and the building committee of the church. After a long debate the funerary monument was built in the Holy Trinity chapel of the upper church after plans by Frigyes Schulek. (At the beginning Schulek designed a more modest tomb for the crypt, but now it was out of the question.) He took the carvings of French portal pediments (Chartres, Arles) as his models. The sculptural work was done by Ferenc Mikula. A genealogical table on the monument announced that Francis Joseph I descended from the Árpád dynasty on female line. This reference is also included in the royal deed of gift by which the king granted 25 000 florins for the monument and the burial. At last on 21 October 1898 the ceremonious burial took place as a national holiday, officiated by archbishop of Esztergom Kolos Vaszary.

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Bruce-Mitford 1978 = R. Bruce -MITFORD (dir.): The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial. 2.: Arms, armour and regalia. London: The Trustees of the British Museum, 1978

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Agrokémia és Talajtan
Authors: Katalin Joó, Attila Barczi, Zsuzsanna Szántó, and Mihály Horváth

29 245 254 Alexandrovskiy, A. L., 1997. Soils and paleosols of burial mound near the Novo Svobodnaya settlement (North Caucasus): trends and rates of

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