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Abstract

The author of the article wishes to compare Hungarian textual and musical folkloristics at the turn of the 20th century with regard to changes in fieldwork methodologies. Hungarian folklore studies in the 19th century preferred text-oriented recording of performances, while by the first half of the 20th century the need for a performance-centered study of folklore with the help of audio recording emerged. Owing to a fundamental change in the method of folklorecollection, Hungarian folklorists studying folk music and folk dance by the middle of the 20th century applied the method of participant observation. In the meantime extensive collection gave way to intensive collection focusing on the repertoire of a given local community or of an outstanding performer. In this process Béla Vikár had a distinguished role as he was the first one to use phonograph in collecting folk poetry and folk music in Hungary, besides which, with the help of stenography, he has a remarkable manuscript legacy of folktales and folk customs as well. The approach and objectives of Béla Bartók and Zoltán Kodály differed from those of Vikár's, since for them quantitative considerations were still important, while Vikár's approach borrowed elements from social sciences as well. The break-through in this respect was marked with the oeuvre of László Lajtha, a disciple of Bartók, who dealt with vocal and instrumental folk music alike. During five decades Lajtha as a collector shifted paradigms a number of times and on the peak of his folklorist oeuvre he published monographs on the vocal and instrumental musical repertoire of bands and villages. His studies inspired György Martin, dance folklorist as well as the revival folk dance movement in the 1970s. The performer-centred study of narration that Gyula Ortutay elaborated on at the beginning of the 1940s proved to be successful primarily in the study of prose epic genres and it unreflexively followed the method of folk musicologists.

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A XV. század közepe táján a kereszténység előtti kultúrák iránti érdeklődés megnövekedésével egyidejűleg emelkedni kezdett a görögül tanulni vágyók száma is Európa latin nyelvű felében. Ezzel párhuzamosan megnőtt az igény a különféle nyelvtanulási segédletek, így a görög–latin szótárak iránt is. Kétnyelvű szótárra többféleképpen lehetett ekkoriban szert tenni, az egyik lehetőséget egy ókori bilinguis szótár, az ún. Pseudo-Kyrillos jelentette. A Pseudo-Kyrillos a magyar kutatás érdeklődését is felkeltette az utóbbi évtizedekben, főként azért, mert egyik példányát Janus Pannonius is beszerezte magának. Az alábbi tanulmány nem ezzel a példánnyal kíván foglalkozni, hanem egy másikkal, amelyet egy bizonyos Benedictus másolt. A szerző arra tesz kísérletet, hogy azonosítsa az illető személyét, nyomon kövesse a példány keletkezésének történetét, valamint feltérképezze a Pseudo-Kyrillos szöveghagyományozódásának egyik ágát.

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Khitan Large and Small Scripts modelled on Chinese characters were created to record the Khitan language in the 10th century. In June 1922 the thousand-year-old dust-laden Khitan scripts were rediscovered and brought to light again arousing great interest and hot discussions regarding the research of historical nationalities in the terrirory what is now northern China. Up to now approximately seventy pieces of monuments with Khitan inscriptions have been found, mostly epitaphs and eulogies, with a total of 80,000 words. The Epitaph of Changgun Yelü Zhun of Great Liao 大遼國常袞耶律凖墓誌銘, carved in Khitan Large Script in Xianyong the fourth year (1068), was found at the town of Beizifu, Aohan Banner Inner Mongolia. With its exquisite carving and intact content, this epitaph can be regarded as one of the extant top quality monuments in Khitan Large Script. It is the first time that the rubbing, the manuscript and the interpretation of this epitaph are presented to the public. This paper compares the graphemes of the Large Script and the Small Script, in order to deduce the unknown from the known. Understanding the nature of the Khitan Large Script and investigating different Khitan materials, we can state that numerous Large Script graphemes matched with the corresponding Small Script graphemes. Based on the research findings of the Khitan Small Script graphemes and the historical records of the Yaonian clan, this paper attempts to reveal the wording habit, the combination rule of the graphemes of the epitaph text and the context of the words, in order to decipher some Large Script graphemes untouched before and to reconstruct or correct the pronunciation of some graphemes of the Large Script.

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her copy, the In principio of the Gospel of John was recorded into at least two separate Welsh manuscripts in a way that clearly indicates that these texts functioned as healing charms. 4 Cases such as Gwen’s demonstrate the idiosyncratic ways in

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, Nikolai and Simone-Christiane Raschmann 2016 . ‘ Turfan Manuscripts in the State Hermitage—a Rediscovery .’ Written Monuments of the Orient 2 / 2 : 3 – 43

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Bocskay György kalligráfus antikva betűs síremlékfeliratai

All’antica reprezentáció I. Ferdinánd bécsi udvarában

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author: Borbála Gulyás

György (George) Bocskay (†1575) was a member of a well-known Hungarian noble family. He was capable to adapt himself to the expectations of the Viennese court of the Habsburg Monarchy to build a significant career at the Hungarian Royal Chancellery as royal court secretary, royal councillor and calligrapher. He decorated various writing model books and charters for the Habsburg rulers as well as several letters of arms for Hungarian noblemen. However it is less known that the calligrapher made sepulchral inscriptions in stone as well applying a new technique of his time, the acid-etching. Emperor Ferdinand I commissioned him to prepare the Square Capitals for the marble cenotaph of Emperor Maximilian I in Innsbruck. Additionally, he used similar letters to inscribe the sepulchral monument of the highest ranking official of the Hungarian Kingdom, the Palatine Tamás Nádasdy and his wife, Orsolya Kanizsay in Léka (Lockenhaus).

After the Treaty of Passau (1552) the claim was established that after Emperor Charles V the member of the Austrian line of the Habsburg dynasty, Ferdinand I could have imperial power. The revival of the antiquity significantly influenced the rebuilding of his main residence, the Hofburg, the development of the Roman lapidaries and collections of antiquities at his court (Hermes Schallauzer, Wolfgang Lazius, Ferdinand I), and the style of festive decorations and artworks all’antica he commissioned during this era.

In 1562 Bocskay dedicated a writing model book to Ferdinand I in order to be commissioned to prepare the inscriptions of the sepulchral monument of Emperor Maximilian I. The manuscript included several writing samples in Square Capitals imitating the epigraphic monuments of the ancient Romans. Later he worked on the acid-etched and gilded inscriptions in Vienna in 1563–1568 according to the archival sources. He prepared inscribed marble plates for 24 marble reliefs of the cenotaph representing scenes of the life of Maximilian I as well as 18 plates of the sepulchral inscription on the frieze. The Latin texts were compiled by the vice-chancellor of Ferdinand I, Georg Sigmund Seld.

Bocskay was accommodated in the house of the Nádasdy family in Vienna. He probably equipped a workshop for the process there. He also prepared three more inscribed limestone plates for the sepulchral monument of the already mentioned Tamás Nádasdy and Orsolya Kanizsay. The marble cenotaph was erected in 1566 in the castle of Léka where the Palatine and later his wife were buried. The monument was transferred to the new family crypt of the Augustine monastery of Léka in the 17th century.

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In the past 35 years or so, scores of theories, some bordering on legend, have emerged about the origin of the earliest known authentic representation of the Holy Crown of Hungary. Systematic historical and art historical research, however, has reconstructed convincingly the circumstances of its creation. Contrary to the majority of assumptions proposed until now, it can now be safely declared that the earliest representation of the Hungarian crown jewel has nothing to do with the – actually fictitious – possession of the crown by the Fugger family in the mid-15th century. The handwritten work namely, in which the image survived, is not a Fuggerchronik of Munich but the history of the Habsburg dynasty (Ehrenspiegel des Hauses Österreich) written for the family of the great merchant banker, Johann Jakob Fugger (1516–1575) by the self-taught town historian, genealogist and heraldist Clemens Jäger from Augsburg (c. 1500–1561).

The two-tome manuscript of nearly 800 folios with thousands of coats of arms and hundreds of illuminations is preserved in the Bavarian State Library in Munich. The earliest known depiction of the crown was made replicas of which were unknown until recently but were identified by the authors in three richly illuminated handwritten copies of the Ehrenspiegel. All were made in Innsbruck as the outcome of the court art and art patronage of the archdukes Ferdinand and Maximilian of Tyrol in the late 16th and early 17th century. By dating the manuscripts kept today in Munich, Vienna and Dresden more accurately and analysing the crown depictions in them, the – until recently – controversial chronology of the Ehrenspiegel copies could be clarified reassuringly. A revised version commissioned by Emperor Leopold I was completed by 1668 and was also released in print by the Endter press in Nuremberg with “updated” text by the German poet Sigmund von Birken. This version also included the image of the Hungarian crown, but the publisher replaced the 16th century depiction with a more up-to-date one. It adopted the crown representation on the title-page of Mausoleum (printed in Nuremberg 1664), a series of Hungarian ruler portraits completed a little earlier upon commission from a Hungarian aristocrat and art patron, Chief Justice of Hungary (1655–1671), Count Ferenc Nádasdy. It must be attributed to the publisher’s demand for authenticity that added to the crown from the Mausoleum, which in basic forms emulated the crown image illustrating the famous tract of guardian of the crown Péter Révay published in Augsburg 1613 (De Sacrae Coronae regni Hungariae ortu... Commentarius) and reformulated several times later, he also enclosed the title-page of the politics historical work by Martin Schödel (Respublica et status Regni Hungariae, Leiden 1634) for the purpose of providing more accurate material details.

A German handwritten petition by Clemens Jäger, the author of the Habsburg family history, for a coat of arms and crown representation has been recovered in the Austrian National Library in Vienna. In it he was inquiring about the Holy Crown with reference to the work (Rerum Ungaricarum decades) of the Italian historiographer of Matthias Corvinus, the noted humanist Antonio Bonfini. This source permits us to declare: the earliest authentic representation of the Hungarian crown was made in Augsburg between April 1553 (the terminus post quem for the sending of the petition from Augsburg to Vienna) and November 1561 (the death of Jäger). Confuting earlier presumptions we can contend that instead of some mid-15th or early 16th century model, Jäger used a wholly contemporary reproduction. It showed the crown kept in the Habsburg court in Vienna from the beginning of September 1551 depicted – if we are not mistaken – by the copperplate engraver and draughtsman of antiquities (Antiquitetabconterfetter) Hans Sebald Lautensack served in Vienna from August 1554, who was in close contact with the famous Vienna court historiographer who also knew Jäger, Wolfgang Lazius. Lautensack also engraved a portrait of Lazius in 1554. Some data suggest that our safe dating (1553–1561) can be reduced to the interval between the late summer of 1554 and 1556, between the beginning of Lautensack’s service in Vienna and the publication of the historian Lazius’s great map of Hungary (1556), the latter adorned with a Holy Crown with pendants. To conclude, the earliest detailed and authentic representation of the Hungarian crown was the outcome of the collaboration of Central European historiographers, first of all historians of Augsburg and Vienna, genealogists, heraldists and engravers, without the involvement of Hungarians, as far as we know. Not that this fact would reduce in any way its outstanding significance or peculiar value.

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14/A-B [3 Bde], ed. Saviana Diamandi, Ágnes Papp. Bucureşti-Budapest 1993, 1994. Pal Richter: Organo-Missale: Musical relationships of a Franciscan manuscript in the 17th century, in: Musik der geistlichen Orden in

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. Brody , Michael . 2015 . One-dimensional syntax . Manuscript . http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002863 . Brody , Michael . 2018 a. ‘Movement’, precedence, c

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Searle, Arthur (1984) "Two Recent Manuscript Acquisitions. I: British Library: Mare Clausum" Haydn Yearbook 15, pp. 219-220. Two Recent Manuscript Acquisitions. I: British Library: Mare Clausum

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