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Summary

Arctium lappa L. (Asteraceae) occupies a prominent position in the ethnotherapeutics practices. The herb is known to contain a number of bioactive metabolites, which have immense therapeutic value. The objective of our present investigation was to estimate the variation of metabolites in different parts and phonological stages of A. lappa. This investigation has been done using a high-performance thin-layer chromatography technique. The present analysis reveals that the root (vegetative stages) holds the significantly high content of triterpenoids (betulinic acid, oleanolic acid, and lupeol), in comparison to the reproductive stage.

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The author has shortly surveyed the history of the widening of the term “Bulgar-Turkic phonological criteria”. The last summary of the results of research on the Bulgar-Turkic criteria and their chronological validity was made by Lajos Ligeti in his monograph on Turkic-Hungarian linguistic interrelations (1986). In the paper the author has presented several recent Middle Bulgar-Turkic loans of the Volga Kipchak dialects, following Ligeti's criteria: (1) the prothetic y-; (2) the initial š < si/sï; (3) Ancient Turkic -n ~ Chuvash -m.

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The article studies and glosses a Ṭabari-Persian versified vocabulary ( neṣāb ) composed in 1848 by Amir Timur Qajar. The subject language, Ṭabari, also called Māzandarāni, is spoken in the Caspian province of Māzandarān in northern Iran and has been subjected to an enormous Persian influence in modern times. The Neṣāb provides a unique opportunity to study the linguistic developments of Ṭabari, more particularly so because the three oldest manuscripts of the Neṣāb are written in different dialects of the language. An attempt is made here to identify these dialects and their diachronic developments through a comparative phonological analysis.

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This paper presents a new decipherment of the Langjun Inscription of 1134 A.D., including a significantly revised phonological reconstruction of the text, new readings of several graphemes, paleographical notes on certain Kitan and Chinese graphemes encountered in the text, and a glossary of words contained in the text including identifiable etyma. In terms of methodology, the Kitan and corresponding Chinese texts of this bilingual inscription are juxtaposed to facilitate decipherment and reconstruction. Although several important philological studies of this text exist, this article presents the first linguistic reconstruction of the inscription.

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On the basis of phonological, semantic and lexico-geographical data the author claims that Hungarian dialect words mont ‘grape pressed at harvest’ and konta ‘dock-tailed (mainly hen or pig)’ are loanwords borrowed from Slavic languages before the second part of 10th c. (cf. Proto-Slavic mo,tъ ‘pressed grape’, ko,cъ ‘dock-tailed [mainly hen or pig]’). The people who transferred these words into Hungarian must have belonged to a White Croatian tribe living at that time on the slopes of the North-East Carpathians closer to Hungary.

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The language of the Rusyns in Bács-Szerém (Yugoslavia) became a literary language at the beginning of the twentieth century. In the Hungarian loanwords of this literary language in the place of the standard é phoneme we found i, e and ei variants. The reason for this can be found in the phonological system of the Hungarian dialects the words are taken from. The modern standard Hungarian é phoneme in the northeast dialects is an opening ië or a closing ëi diphtong. The Rusyn i originates from the Hungarian ië diphtong and the Rusyn ei from the Hungarian dialectal ëi diphtong.

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Distinctive vowel length has been only recently re-introduced into the Romani varieties that have been in intimate contact with the various languages of Europe exhibiting vowel quantity. This article describes the process of analogical extension that accounts for certain intra-dialectal variation of vowel length found within the South Central Romani dialect group. The emergence of vowel length by means of this process is demonstrated by the example of the possessive pronouns and the remoteness suffix of Vend Romani, a variety spoken in Western Hungary. This analysis also discusses the phonological and semantic constraints of the examined instances of analogical change.

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In this paper we look at the demise of perfective reduplication in Latin and seek to answer the question why this process of erosion followed a phonologically rather strictly defined path. The small set of remaining reduplicated perfects is not a random collection of leftovers from the ruins of earlier morphology (as it is e.g. in Gothic) but displays remarkable phonological coherence in the documented period of the language. To understand why this should be so we look at the relevant phonotactic properties of simplex forms. It appears quite clearly that, for a variety of reasons, the number of stems beginning with p V p , t V t , k V k , b V b and s V s increased in the prehistory of Latin. The fact that this occurred and that voiceless stops figure more prominently in this configuration than other types of consonants may well have given rise to a new phonotactic pattern in which such stem-initial sequences were now legitimate (as opposed to Proto-Indo-European). It seems to be a plausible explanation that perfective verb forms remained reduplicated only if they conformed to this new phonotactic pattern.

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Abstract

Human speech shows an unparalleled richness in geographic variation. However, few attempts have been made to understand this linguistic diversity from an evolutionary and comparative framework. Here, we a) review extensively what is known about geographic variation of acoustic signals in terrestrial mammals, using common terminology adopted from linguistics to define different forms of variation (i.e. accents and dialects), and b) examine which factors may determine this variation (i.e. genetic, environmental and/or social). Heretofore, terminology has been used inconsistently within and across taxa, and geographic variation among terrestrial mammals has never been defined as in human speech. Our results show that accents, phonologically different varieties, occur widely in terrestrial mammals. Conversely, dialects, lexically and phonologically different varieties, have only been documented thus far in great white-lined bats, red deer, chimpanzees and orangutans. Although relatively rare among terrestrial mammals, dialects are thus not unique to humans. This finding also implies that such species possess the capacity for acoustic learning. Within primates, the two great apes showing dialects are those who also show extensive cultures in the wild, suggesting that, in hominoids, intricacy of acoustic geographic variation is potentially associated with cultural complexity; namely, both have derived from selection increasingly favoring social learning across varied contexts, including the acoustic domain.

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Language Semantics 1999 7 141 177 Selkirk, Elisabeth O. 1984. Phonology and syntax. The relation

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