Are the ecosophy of the Norwegian philosopher Arne Næss and its resulting Deep Ecology relevant today? The central maxims: ‘Live a rich life with simple means’ and ‘Self-realizing for all beings’, are interpreted and corroborated. Næss’s ecosophy builds upon gestalt thinking and spontaneous experiences. In particular, the paper deconstructs point seven in the Deep Ecological Platform, which states that “The ideological change is mainly that of appreciating life quality (dwelling in situations of inherent value) rather than adhering to an increasingly higher standard of living. There will be a profound awareness of the difference between big and great”. The paper draws on Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen as the inspirational source of the degrowth movement, and on the Norwegian philosopher Arne Johan Vetlesen to understand the separation of man and nature that occurred during the Enlightenment, and it presents case studies of alternative economic models from Bhutan and Thailand. The conclusion is that Deep Ecological reasoning is not an ecotopia, but should be seen as an important source of inspiration and challenge to the prevalent consumer culture in affluent countries.
The study summarises the overall economic model of Hungarian economist Tibor Liska (1925–1994). The economic system of the model would be transcapitalistic inasmuch as being more self-regulating, through a “pure” market and unlimited competition, than capitalism as we know it. In this model, property is fully open to competition as gaining control over property in open competition is regarded as a fundamental human right. The model allows the state to have only regulatory functions, accordingly, a drastic reduction of the role of the public sector is needed. The self-controlled economy would also manage redistribution, education, environmental problems and all other socio-economic subsystems much more efficiently than present-day economies. The theory envisions a society without taxation, where all income is fully personal and all property (that is, means of production) is social but is in personal stewardship. The study outlines two subsystems of the model: those of social inheritance and personal social ownership. Finally it touches upon an attempt of putting the model into practice.
Mobility in Hungary is a relatively infrequent phenomenon of which we have mostly aggregate-level information. Here I use settlement- and individual-level data to show a more elaborate picture of the Hungarian population moving across settlements and regions between 1990 and 1999. Using a simple economic model, I estimate the probabilities of moving house both from aggregate and individual data, and look at its response to economic incentives given by geographic differences in wages and unemployment. Three main results emerge. Firstly, the flow of people does follow wage and unemployment differences as expected, although exact parameter estimates vary considerably if different data and a matching model is used. Secondly, it is confirmed that in many regions of the country there are forces at work, especially a strong trend of suburban development, driving movement against the prediction of the simple model. Thirdly temporary movers, especially students seem to be rather influential contributors to flows we observe at the aggregate level. This makes collection of specialised data or the creation of an elaborate model that takes them into account, necessary in the long term, too.
This article examines American cultural influences in Brazil, particularly in terms of translations published in Brazil. It proposes that the great majority of American books published occupied a conservative position in the Brazilian literary system, and in certain periods, such as the post-1964 military dictatorship, the US government financed the publication of American works translated into Portuguese in order to help to provide the right-wing military government with a cultural focus. However, the importation of American literature has been seen in very different ways: in the late 19th and early 20th centuries the cheapness of American culture and the global aims of the future superpower were already being criticized. For others, America meant democracy and an economic model to emulate. In the 1920s and 1930s the publisher, translator and writer of children's stories, Monteiro Lobato, saw the importation of American ideas and technology as a way of taking Brazil out of its backwardness, and expected translations of American works to counterbalance the dominant French trends. In the most repressive years of the military dictatorship, from the end of 1968 to the mid-seventies, the translation of Beat poetry acted as a form of protest.
For the last few decades, considerable attention has been paid to the methodology of mainstream economics. It is not mere chance that economics is surrounded by methodological debates. If its relevance is at stake, this can be either refuted or proven most efficiently at a methodological level. Arguments for and against mainstream economics underline the methodological homogeneity of mainstream economics, while serious, though almost neglected, arguments can be found for a view according to which the long history of mainstream economics can be described as a sequence of methodological breaks. I argue, firstly, for a sharp demarcation by new classical macroeconomics from the Friedmanian instrumentalism and, secondly, for the realism of new classicals. I strive to identify the epistemological principles underlying Lucas’ models and to highlight the signs of that demarcation as well. I concentrate on the techniques by which new classicals could set their models into an indirect relationship with reality. It is also highlighted that the common terminology, according to which the assumptions of abstract economic models are uniformly regarded as “unrealistic”, actually refers to two different techniques. From these approaches, there is only one which can be justifiably labelled as realist.
The author deals with two interconnected features of contemporary Hungarian rural family life from a historical perspective based on fieldwork carried out in Varsány in the early 1970s and between 2000 and 2005. The first is the intertwining of the lives of successive generations of families in a period when other segments of Hungarian society were becoming more individualistic. This case puts into question whether economic models of the direction of the flow of goods between generations (linear, altruistic or exchange models) are applicable for this situation. The author suggests that Polányi’s ideas may be of help in understanding this phenomenon. The second is the balance of genders within families. Tatjana Thelen, who did fieldwork in another Hungarian village, Mesterszállás, pointed out a decline in the status of women. She holds the Hungarian policy of privatisation and reprivatisation responsible for it, which followed the great socio-economic and political change from socialism to capitalism in 1990. As a similar decrease in the status of women did not occur in Varsány, the author argues that other factors also should be taken into consideration for analysing such situations, like the role of commuting, education, and women’s share in landed property.
The issue of urban development requires strategic thinking. It includes self-sustainable mechanisms, strengthening self-organization and financing of the cities, collectively. Nowadays cities face challenges in all three domains that necessitate strategic thinking on the local, national and EU levels alike.
This strategic thinking has to answer the questions concerning how is it possible for a city to implement developments that might have-long term and sustainable results for the inhabitants. What is the underlying logic to define, plan, implement and sustain city policy objectives? The search for the answer provides multiple evaluation methods. One of these logical frameworks is measuring the success of cities in the context of development/s related to a specific event.
The success of cities is researched and measured with numerous tools and methods. Analyses in this field are becoming more common, not only on a yearly basis but even more often.
The City Success Index — interpreted and presented in the current study — puts larger emphasis on involving and evaluating the so-called human factors, meanwhile creates a logical frame, which - due to the portfolio-analysis method’s flexibility — is more ‘customizable’ for a city that would like to organize a world-class or international events with strong impact, and reveals the possible opportunities and threats. The methodology is able to contribute to strategy planning or for the evaluation of the event. The applied economic model as the frame of research in the approach is new, while the utilization of the result-zone developing might offer help in decision processes of several other public policy domains.