) 2 Decision making and its legitimacy were mostly formalized in 19 th century Hungary. Along with the strengthening of civic society, a more ‘bottom-up’ political structure developed. 3 We use the term ‘bourgeoisie’ to refer to the business and
1950s and 1960s, folk culture brought to the stage by the community necessarily became a part of political representation as the political power sought to reinforce its own legitimacy by embedding the visually characteristic elements of folk culture in
important because they affect inheritance which differentiates legitimate children from natural children. For this reason the economic value of maternity, which ensured the legitimacy of the lineage, increased the cost of the fine, which was already high
The first chronicles of Central Europe were written in the beginning of 12th century. The authors of these chronicles lived in the courts of the princes or kings, and wrote their chronicle to support the idea of princely or royal courts about their own legitimacy. They used also the dynastic myths and some elements from the general tradition of the community about the past (oral history). They wrote differently about the origins, but there were common in the adaptation of the stories from the Bibles. The article focuses on the question how the Christian chroniclers wrote the pagan past; how the negative attitude to the pagan habits was mixed with the glorious events of the community in the pagan past.
How far can canon and language be sources of (dis)continuity in literary history? Continuity and discontinuity are concepts of such complexity that only philosophers can hope to make a successful attempt to define them in general terms. All I can offer is a tentative analysis of their significance for literary history. Since even such an investigation would ask for a lengthy treatment if conducted on an abstract level, I shall limit myself to reflections on how continuity and discontinuity are related to the concepts of canon and language. In the second half of my paper a personified abstraction called nation will also be introduced with the intention of making some remarks on the legitimacy of the terms national and world literature. The essay also raises the question of whether it is possible to write literary history in a postmodern world.
The so-called holy crown of Hungary has been one of the most important elements in early modern Hungarian political thought, which resulted in countless images from medieval till modern times. This article treats the connection between the various crown images and descriptions of the exterior of the crown and the change of the political meaning of the crown between 1572 and 1665. Using a constructivist method of research, an attempt is made to answer the question of how the crown was depicted in art, what was the function and meaning of this depiction, how this image and function of the crown changed, and how this change can be explained. The focus of the author is on the political developments around 1608 in Hungary, in which the crown, its meaning and image played a dominant role. The function of the crown changed between 1572 and 1608 from a symbol of legitimacy of royal Habsburg power to that of the political claims of the estates of the Kingdom of Hungary. This can be observed in the work of István Illésházy, Elias Berger, János Jessenius, Lucas Kilian, Wolfgang Kilian, Péter Révay, Christoph Lackner, Márton Schödel, Hieronymus Ortelius and others. The change of use, image and meaning of the crown can be explained by the “visual turn”, which according to Peter Burke occurred in the beginning of the 17th century. The attention of historians of that period was drawn to artefacts and images of the past which were used as sources of political legitimacy and incorporated in political thought. The change of the image and meaning of the crown in Hungary was thus a part of a European development in the history of art and political thought.
The first part of the study looks at the historical context of the symbolic and territorial competition between Romanians and Hungarians, dwelling on the issue of Transylvania and the competition for historical legitimacy. It bridges, against this background, the question of Hungarian identity to a concept developed elsewhere as a part of a national minorities doctrine: that of community privacy. Territorial autonomy, currently invoked in several Hungarian projects, represents one possible answer to the need for the community privacy of Hungarians in Romania. Another manifestation of community privacy is cultural autonomy. The study then discusses the provisions of the current draft law on the statute of national minorities in Romania and shows that it has reduced cultural autonomy to its political dimension. This form of reductionism, together with the role granted to organizations of citizens belonging to the national minorities, harms the internal democracy of minority communities. Given the current political and social context, in order to be successful in their promotion of autonomy the relevant actors in the Hungarian community must overcome their differences and agree on a set of minimal goals as an expression of their identity as a community.
The relationship of the three earliest sources (Herodotus, Plato, Xanthus) relating how Gyges came to power is controversial. Their most striking common feature is the motif of Gyges seizing power through getting hold of the queen. The close connection of the queen and power proves to be an Eastern motif, a special Persian interpretation of the
, according to which the royal woman bears the glory representing the sovereign power (χvarәnah-) and providing the ruler with legitimacy. Deriving from the Persian ideology of sovereignty, this motif tends to appear in Herodotus, in Xenophon and in the tradition about Alexander the Great. Therefore, the earliest sources relating this story must originate from the Old Persian short stories. The authenticity of the tale about Aladdin in the One Thousand and One Nights has been questioned several times since it does not have a tradition of codices. However, its parallels with the Gyges stories, particularly the presence of the special Persian interpretation of the
suggest a common Persian source, thus, the tale is likely to be authentic.
A Kr. e. II. században megszületik egy olyan ideológia, mely a Római Birodalom létjogosultságát igazolta a meghódítottak előtt. Lényege a következőkben összegezhető: akkor igazságos egy állam uralma más államok felett, hogyha ez a viszony az alávetett állam érdekét is szolgálja, ez pedig akkor lehetséges, hogyha az uralkodó állam kiválóbb, és az alávetetteket jobbá teszi, jobb irányba vezeti, mintha ők önmagukat irányítanák. A tanulmány első részében amellett érvelek, hogy ezt az elméletet Panaitiosnak, a sztoikus filozófia középső korszakában alkotó filozófusnak kell tulajdonítanunk. Ezután azt bizonyítom, hogy a Róma világbirodalommá válását megíró megalopolisi Polybios – aki baráti viszonyban volt Panaitiosszal, és vele gyakran cserélt eszmét államelméleti, politikai kérdésekről – az elméletet ismerte, és a Római Birodalom, valamint a meghódított államok viszonyára alkalmazta is.
The Rhodian Panaetius, the path-breaker exponent of the middle period of Stoic philosophy, developed his theory to justify the legitimacy of the Roman Empire before the conquered people in the second half of the second century B.C. The essence of the conception is the following: the rule of a state over another is righteous, if their relationship also serves the interest of the subject country, and this is possible if the ruling state is superior, and makes the subjugated better, governs it more adequate as if it would rule itself. The historian Polybius, who wrote about Rome’s becoming the most powerful empire of the world, knew Panaetius, they were both friends of Scipio Aemilianus, and we even know that they often discussed political questions. Even so the theory of the Rhodian philosopher does not seem to be present in the fragmentary work of Polybius — at least not coherently propounded. The thorough inquiry shows nevertheless that all substantial elements of the theory can be found in Polybius’ work. Firstly he considers justice as an objective notion (nature instructs us on it), asserts the good to coincide with the expedient, and the real expediency to differ from the seeming one: accordingly he can judge the states from an absolute point of view like the Stoics. Secondly he holds the Romans superior to the other nations with regard to their polity, military abilities and all the virtues. Thirdly he esteems the Roman governance as expedient also for the subjects and therefore worth opting for and praising, because Rome makes the citizens of the subjugated countries more temperate, religious, ingenuous, and brings peace, order and rightfulness to their public life. As the most important elements of Panaetius’ theory occur, we can assess that Polybius saw the relationship of Rome and the subject countries according to the conception of Panaetius.