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Orvosi Hetilap
Authors: Balázs Nemes, Roland Fedor, Zsolt Kanyári, Lajos †Lőcsey, Ferenc Juhász, Dávid Ágoston Kovács, Gergely Zádori, Ferenc Győry, Réka P. Szabó, Lajos Zsom, Tamás Szabó, Lóránt Illésy, Marcell Szabó-Pap, Zsolt Kincses, László Szabó, László Damjanovich, József Balla, and László Asztalos

., Furian, L., Della Barbera, M., et al.: Glomerular C4d immunoreactivity in acute rejection biopsies of renal transplant patients. Transplant. Proc., 2012, 44 (7), 1897–1900. 30

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Abstract  

The spectrometric system for ionizing radiation measurement with pile-up rejection and counting losses correction has been described. The results for HpGe, Ge(Li), Si(Li) and surface barrier detectors have been presented. The total count rate ranged from 500 to 105 cps and different radioisotopes have been used. The counting losses correction accuracy has been within ±1% with tenfold reduction of background from pile-up pulses. The possibility of the system application for radiation intensity measurement of the mixture of short- and longlived radioisotopes has been discussed.

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Lajos Kassák’s exhibition in the Fényes Adolf Showroom in 1967 was to be the last exhibition during the lifetime of that emblematic figure of the historic avant-garde in Hungary. It also serves as a window into the emergence of self-financed exhibitions at that time. There were two mutually contradictory phenomena connected with Kassák and his art in the Sixties: resurgence and rejection. Mounting demands for Kassák’s art to be put on show were set against the banishment of such exhibitions to the periphery. Kassák fought hard for acceptance as a painter. The contradictions typified by this simultaneous resurgence and rejection beset all kinds of intellectual accomplishment in the Kádár era, and more accurately characterize the period than the — nowadays somewhat worn-out – concept of ‘prohibition.’

After 1956, the cultural authorities’ relations with artists and cultural intellectuals were decidedly cold. After reaching a low point in 1957, cultural relations began to improve in the 1960s through a process that may be most simply described as a gradual widening of dialogue or attempts at dialogue, with both the authorities and those involved in cultural life putting out feelers to each other at varying levels of intensity. They sought a broader set of partners, on one side in the hope of a more rewarding pursuit of culture, and on the other in hope of justification. This process continued to unfold until the events of 1968, after which it stagnated and began to deteriorate. Set against this simple schema, Kassák’s exhibition in 1967 took place as optimistic dialogue was reaching its peak. But even in that brightest phase of compromise-seeking between the system and the cultural sphere, there was to be no prestigious, publicly-funded life’s-work exhibition for Kassák; only a modest, ‘off-site’ self-financed show in the Fényes Adolf Showroom.

This period saw an extension of the ‘tolerated art’ category. The regime could not — or did not want to — maintain its division into friends and enemies. By the end of the period, the passively-tolerated category had completely displaced the active, judgemental thrust of cultural policy and with the emergence of the self-financing exhibition system it became firmly established.

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Summary  

We investigated committee peer review for awarding long-term fellowships to post-doctoral researchers as practiced by the Boehringer Ingelheim Fonds (B.I.F.) - a foundation for the promotion of basic research in biomedicine. Assessing the validity of selection decisions requires a generally accepted criterion for research impact. A widely used approach is to use citation counts as a proxy for the impact of scientific research. Therefore, a citation analysis for articles published previous to the applicants' approval or rejection for a B.I.F. fellowship was conducted. Based on our model estimation (negative binomial regression model), journal articles that had been published by applicants approved for a fellowship award (n = 64) prior to applying for the B.I.F. fellowship award can be expected to have 37% (straight counts of citations) and 49% (complete counts of citations) more citations than articles that had been published by rejected applicants (n = 333). Furthermore, comparison with international scientific reference values revealed (a) that articles published by successful and non-successful applicants are cited considerably more often than the “average” publication and (b) that excellent research performance can be expected more of successful than non-successful applicants. The findings confirm that the foundation is not only achieving its goal of selecting the best junior scientists for fellowship awards, but also successfully attracting highly talented young scientists to apply for B.I.F. fellowships.

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Orvosi Hetilap
Authors: Orsolya Friedrich, Endre Moravcsik, Tibor Gyöngy, Tivadar Hüttl, István Hartyánszky, Ágnes Petrohai, and Elek Bodor

A végstádiumú szívelégtelenség jelenleg ismert, hosszú távon legeredményesebb kezelési módszere a szívtranszplantáció. Célkitűzés: A szerzők a hazai szívátültetések eredményességének javítása érdekében retrospektíve megvizsgálták az első 16 év minden fellelhető adatát a korai műtét utáni időszak tekintetében és összevetették a szakirodalomban található eredményekkel. Módszer: 1992. január 3. és 2007. december 31. között 125 beteg esetében 127 szívátültetés történt Magyarországon. Az Ér- és Szívsebészeti Klinika dokumentációján kívül az Igazságügyi Orvostani Intézet archívuma, az Országos Vérellátó Szolgálat regisztere és a Gottsegen György Országos Kardiológiai Intézet adatai szolgáltak forrásként. Eredmények: A korai halálozás az utóbbi időszakban erősen közelít a nemzetközi gyakorlatban tapasztalható szinthez. Vezető halálokként a szerzők gyakorlatában is a donorszív elégtelensége tehető felelőssé a legnagyobb számban. Mellette fertőzés, műtétkor nem uralható vérzés és többszervi elégtelenség fordult elő gyakrabban. Súlyos graftelégtelenség kezelésére egy esetben sikeres retranszplantáció történt, a leghatékonyabbnak ismert műszívkezelés azonban a vizsgált időszakban teljesen hiányzott a hazai eszköztárból. A heveny kilökődés kezelésére alkalmazott gyógyszeres terápia, a nemzetközi szintnek megfelelően, kiváló eredményűnek bizonyult. Következtetések: A továbblépés érdekében kiemelt feladatnak kell tekinteni a műszív alkalmazását a hazai gyakorlatban. A donorkezelésben és a szervkivételek során országosan egységes és javuló minőséget biztosító protokollok kialakítását és alkalmazását kell szorgalmazni.

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Abstract  

The search for neutrinoless double beta decay in 76Ge has driven the need for ultra-low background Ge detectors shielded by electroformed copper of ultra-high radiopurity (<0.1 μBq/kg). Although electrodeposition processes are almost sophisticated enough to produce copper of this purity, to date there are no methods sensitive enough to assay it. Inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP/MS) can detect thorium and uranium at femtogram levels, however, this assay is hindered by high copper concentrations in the sample. Electrodeposition of copper samples removes copper from the solution while selectively concentrating thorium and uranium contaminants to be assayed by ICP/MS. Spiking 232Th and 238U into the plating bath simulates low purity copper and allows for the calculation of the electrochemical rejection rate of thorium and uranium in the electroplating system. This rejection value will help to model plating bath chemistry.

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In this article, an attempt is made to show how freedom is possible. The objection that Divine Providence and its opposite, scientific or physical determinism, make freedom impossible is examined. The question is raised as to whether the universe consists of things (beings/substances), which is a presupposition of scientific determinism. The order in the universe is held not to be an objection to freedom. It is argued that the future is not determined on the basis that causes refer to the past, not the future. Freedom would appear to depend on the soul not being determined like a stone, but a self-mover. In addition, intellect appears necessary, since freedom requires choice, which in turn requires the capacity to deliberate. If both soul and intellect are required for freedom, it is understandable that human beings alone in the universe are free.

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Orvosi Hetilap
Authors: Krisztina Czebe, Eszter Csiszér, György Lang, Peter Jaksch, and Walter Klepetko

Az első magyar beteg tüdőtranszplantációja óta 12 év telt el. Magyarországon kicsiny, de lelkes orvoscsoport dolgozik azon, hogy a tüdőátültetés egyre több magyar állampolgár részére könnyen elérhető, evidens terápiás eljárássá váljék. A műtét indikációját végstádiumú, a tüdő vascularis rendszerét vagy parenchymáját érintő megbetegedések képezik, miután a konzervatív terápiás lehetőségek már kimerültek. Jelenleg hazánkban a tüdőtranszplantáció még nem bevezetett műtéti eljárás. Az elmúlt 12 év során (1996 és 2007 decembere között) 64 magyar betegnél végzett tüdőátültetést a Klepetko professzor által vezetett munkacsoport (Vienna Lung Transplant Group) a bécsi sebészeti klinikán. Betegeinknél a következő alapbetegségek miatt került sor transzplantációra: cisztás fibrosis (22), idiopathiás tüdőfibrosis (18), primer pulmonalis hypertonia (8), lymphangioleiomyomatosis (5), emphysema (4) és egyéb betegségek (7 esetben). A 64 betegnél összesen 68 transzplantáció történt. Négy esetben retranszplantációra került sor. A műtéti technika kétoldali teljes tüdő- (33), kétoldali lebenytranszplantáció (18), egyoldali tüdőtranszplantáció (13), szív-tüdő együttes átültetése (2) és split tüdőtranszplantáció (2) volt. Egy fiatal recipiens esetében élő donoros lebenytranszplantáció történt. A betegek átlagéletkora a műtét idején 33,3 év (14 és 58 év között) volt. A 64 transzplantált közül 48-an vannak jelenleg életben.

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In the course of my research in archives – in search of documents about the history of the Art Foundation of the People’s Republic (from 1968 Art Fund) – while leafing through the sea of files in the National Archives of Hungary (MNL OL) year after year, I came across so-far unknown documents on the life and fate of Béla Kondor which had been overlooked by the special literature so far.

Some reflected the character of the period from summer of 1956 to spring 1957, more precisely to the opening of the Spring Exhibition. In that spring, after relieving Rákosi of his office, the HWP (Hungarian Workers’ Party, Hun. MDP) cared less for “providing guidance for the arts”, as they were preoccupied with other, more troublesome problems. In the winter/spring after the revolution started on 23 October and crushed on 4 November the echelon of the HSWP (Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, Hun. MSzMP) had not decided yet whether to strike a league with extreme leftist artistic groups or to pay heed to Memos Makris (Hun. Makrisz Agamemnon), the ministerial commissioner designing the reform of the artists’ association and organizing the Spring Exhibition and to leave the artists – so-far forced into the strait-jacket of socialist realism – alone. I found some documents which shed bright light on the narrow-mindedness of the dogmatic artistic policy trying to bend the artists toward its goals now with the whip, now with milk cake.

I start the series of recovered documents with a ministerial file dated summer 1956 on the decision to purchase Kondor’s diploma work (the Dózsa cycle). The next piece of good news is a record of the committee meeting in February 1957 awarding Kondor a Derkovits scholarship. This is followed by ministerial letters – mirrors of the new artistic policy – by a changed, truly partyist scholarship committee which apparently revel in lecturing talented Kondor who was not willing to give up his sovereignty, so his works were often refused to be bought on state funds for museums.

In addition to whip-lashing documents, I also present a few which offered some milk cake: a letter inviting him to a book illustrating competition called by the Petőfi Literary Museum and one commissioning him to make the sheets on the Heves county part of a “liberation album”.

Next, I put forth a group of illumining documents – long known but never published in details: the files revealing the story of the large panels designed for the walls of the “Uranium city” kindergarten in Pécs and those revealing the preparations for the exhibition in Fényes Adolf gallery in 1960 and the causes of the concurrent tensions – including texts on decisions to hinder the publication of Lajos Németh’s catalogue introduction.

The last group includes futile efforts by architects to get Kondor commissions for murals. They give information on three possible works. Another for Pécs again (this time with Tibor Csernus), for works for a “men’s hostel” and on the failure of the possibility. The other is about works for Kecskemét’s Aranyhomok Hotel, another failure. The third is about a glass window competition for a new modern hotel to be built in Salgótarján, to which Kondor was also invited, but the jury did not find his work satisfactory in spite of the fact that the officials representing the city’s “party and council” organs, and the powerful head of the county and town, the president of the county committee of the HSWP all were in favour of commissioning him.

Mind you, the architects’ efforts to provide the handful of modern artists with orders for “abstract” works caused headache for the masterminds of controlled art policy, too. On the one hand, they also tried to get rid of the rigidity of the ideologically dogmatic period in line with “who is not against us, is with us”, the motto spreading with political détente, and to give room to these genres qualified as “decoration”. On the other hand, they did not want to give up the figurative works of socialist contents, which the architects wanted to keep away from their modern buildings. A compromise was born: Cultural Affairs and the Art Fund remained supporters of figurative works, and the “decorative” modern murals, mosaics and sculptures were allowed inside the buildings at the cost of the builders.

Apart from architects, naturally there were other spokesmen in favour of Kondor (and Csernus and the rest of the shelved artists). In an essay in Új Irás in summer 1961 Lajos Németh simply branded it a waste to deprive Kondor of all channels except book illustration, while anonymous colleagues of the National Gallery guided an American curator to him who organized an exhibition of Kondor’s graphic works he had packed into his suitcase in the Museum of Modern Art in Miami.

From the early 1963 – as the rest of the explored documents reveal – better times began in Hungarian internal and cultural politics, hence in Béla Kondor’s life, too. The beginning is marked by a – still “exclusive” – exhibition he could hold in the Young Artists’ Studio in January, followed by a long propitiatory article urging for publicity for Kondor by a young journalist of Magyar Nemzet, Attila Kristóf. Then, in December Kondor became the Grand Prix winner of the second Graphic Biennial of Miskolc.

From then on, the documents are no longer about incomprehensible prohibitions or at time self-satisfying wickedness, but about exhibitions (the first in King Stephen Museum, Székesfehérvár), prizes (including the Munkácsy Prize in April 1965), purchases, the marvellous panel for the Grand Hotel on Margaret Island, the preparations for the Venice Biennale of 1968, the exhibition in Art Hall/Műcsarnok in 1970 and its success, and Kondor’s second Munkácsy Prize.

Finally, I chanced upon a group of startling and sofar wholly unknown notes which reveals that Béla Kondor was being among the nominees for the 1973 Kossuth Prize. News of his death on 12 December 1972, documents about the museum deposition of his posthumous works and the above group of files close the account of his life.

I wrote a detailed study to accompany the documents. My intention was not to explain them – as they speak for themselves – but to insert them in the life-story of Kondor, trying to find out which and how, to what extent contributed to the veering of his life-course and to possibilities of publicity for his works. I obviously included several further facts, partly in the main body of the text, and partly in footnotes. Without presenting them here, let me just pick one or two.

Events around the 1960 exhibition kindled the attention not only of the deputy minister of culture György Aczél, but also of the Ministry of the Interior: as Anikó B. Nagy dug out, they asked for an agent’s report on who Kondor was, what role he was playing among young writers, architects, artists, the circle around Vigilia and the intellectuals in general. Also: what role did human cowardice play in banning the panels for the Pécs kindergarten, and how wicked it was – with regulations cited – to ask back the advance money from an artist already hardly making a living with the termination of the Der ko vits scholarship. Again: what turn did modern Hungarian architecture undergo in the early sixties to dare and challenge the still prevalent culture political red tape? It was also a special experience to track down and describe the preparations for the Hungarian exhibition of the Venice Biennial of 1968 and to see how much caution and manoeuvring was needed even in those milder years to get permission for Béla Kondor (in the company of Tibor Vilt and Ignác Kokas) to feature in the pavilion. Finally, it was informative to follow the routes of Kondor’s estate as state acquisitions and museum deposits after his death which foiled his Kossuth Prize.

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Pattison J, Nelson PJ, Huie P, von Leuttichau I, Farshid G, Sibley RK, Krensky AM: RANTES chemokine expression in cell-mediated transplant rejection of the kidney. Lancet 343(8891), 209–211 (1994) Krensky A

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