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Horace’s ode Dianam tenerae… used to be interpreted with regard to Catullus’ Hymn to Diana. Through the analysis of the parallel motifs and the differences of both poems, the traditional elements and the “accessories” of the hymnic tradition adapted and rewritten by Horace are illustrated and clarified. While answering the questions concerning the genre, the “literary I” and the lexis of the ode, it becomes obvious, that Horace’s main intention was to utter his vocation as vates and the effect of his poem. Thus, it is not Apollo ἀλεζíκακgoς, but the self-conscious poet, who is in the centre of the carm . I 31.

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Résumé  

Pour déterminer 44 éléments dans des échantillons lunaires on a fait appel à l'analyse instrumentale par activation neutronique et à l'analyse par activation neutronique utilisant des séparations chimiques et la spectrométrie gamma à haute résolution. Si on utilise ces méthodes conjointement à la spectrométrie de masse à étincelle, on détermine plus de 56 éléments avec une certitude moyenne de 10%. On compare les résultats de l'analyse de sols lunaires rapportés par Apollo 11, 12, 14, 15 et 16 et par Luna 16.

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This study attempts to give an interpretation of Horace’s final piece of his First Book of Epistles from the point of view of the ancient culture of books and literature. Horace’s Epistles expressly mention the Library of Palatine Apollo. From a distance, they refer to some of the principles of Augustan cultural politics which created the library itself, and also draw an accurate picture of the process of the auto-canonization process which created the (concept of the) golden age of Roman literature. First, the study outlines the basic characteristics of the Horatian epistle, then looks for answers to the following questions: what are the forms of literary publicity and how do libraries appear in the Epistles? What does the need for canonization mean? How is it possible to canonize the living? How does the concept of the golden age of Roman literature take shape in the literature around 10 BCE?

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). Kovář , I. ( 2007 ): Coccinellidae . In: I. Löbl and A. Smetana (eds): Catalogue of Palaearctic Coleoptera . Vol. 4 . Apollo Books, Stenstrup, pp. 568 – 631 . Latibari , M. H. , Zare Khormizi , M. and Moravvej , G. ( 2017 ): First

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The Podmaniczky Mansion in Aszód was built in 1727– 1730 by János Podmaniczky (1691–1743). In 1767–1772 the building was extended by his sons, János (1716–1786) and Sándor (1723–1786), who resided with their families in the eastern and western wing of the mansion.

In 1776 Sándor Podmaniczky commissioned Johann Lucas Kracker and his assistant, Joseph Zach, specialised in trompe l’oeil architectural painting to fresco the ceremonial hall of the mansion, located at the southern end of the western wing. The ceiling painting features in the centre the allegorical female figure, a Justifying Faith (fides iustificans), holding the Holy Script with the inscription Sola scriptura. She is surrounded by allegories of different virtues, such as Divine Mercy (Caritas Dei), Humility, Generosity, Hospitality, Temperance, Self-restraint and Right Judgement. On the right of the ceiling the female figure of Wisdom is to be seen striking down the Vices. In the four corners of the ceiling further four virtue-allegories are located: Honesty, Fame, Diligence and the Love of Virtues.

The moralizing programme of the vivid ceiling painting is accompanied by grisaille, statue- and relief-like representations on the sidewalls. The illusionistic statues of Seneca and Alexander the Great represent two classical virtues: wisdom and heroic pugnacity. On the longer walls of the hall four illusionistic busts of four Classical deities (Jupiter, Neptune, Pluto and Ceres) represent the four elements. Above them relief-like mythological scenes are to be seen: two episodes from the youth of Bacchus, the story of Apollo and Daphne and finally the contest of Apollo and Pan.

The complex, moralizing iconographic programme conveyed by the wall and ceiling paintings can be interpreted in the context of the Lutheran ethics, as the com missioner himself was of Lutheran confession. Lutheran teachings on ethics have fundamentally differed from the scholastic doctrine on theological and cardinal virtues and have defined a different canon of virtues. This Lutheran virtue’s canon is reflected in the iconography of the ceiling painting to a large extent. The Olympic deities and mythological scenes featuring on the side walls symbolise the material world, as opposed with the spiritual sphere represented by the virtue-allegories on the ceiling. The overall message of the paintings is that living a pious, virtuous life, conducted by faith, avoiding vice and exercising self-restraint leads the soul to heaven, in harmony with the Lutheran doctrine of justification.

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In this paper I shall describe several iconographic documents attesting the resounding success of a few Dionysiac themes and, more generally, the vitality of Dionysism in the Augustan Age. These materials confirm that in the years of the triumph of Augustus no dichotomy between Dionysus and Apollo was perceived. Amidst the late civil war of the Roman Republic what was fearful was Antony regardless of his identification to Dionysus. Indeed, Dionysus, as Liber, civilizing god, benefactor of Mankind and winner of every enemy and threat, represented an ideal model for young Octavianus, in the same way as Romulus, Hercules and the Dioscouri had proven. In particular, the iconographies highlight that even the particular Dionysiac cult practised by Antony, influenced as it was by Hellenistic beliefs, continued to enjoy great status during the years of the new Augustan era. Indeed, in the first years of his government Augustus might well have taken advantage of the semantic of the Hellenistic royalty, implied by the symbolism inherent within the Alexandrine Dionysus triumphant.

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The largely neglected characterization of Aeëtes and the function of Ares in the 'Argonautica' may heighten the insight into Apollonius' intentions. Regarded more closely, the plot shows that Aeëtes, though being the son of Helios, is marked as an Ares-hero, and not only in the scene in which he arms himself (3. 1225-45). Already in book 2 his close connection with the war-god is hinted at repeatedly, and in book 3 it is further intensified by the adaptation of the Cadmus-and-dragon myth (as told by Pherecydes). Jason, who was compared to both Ares and Apollo at the beginning of his aristeia, proved to be a match for the cruel Aeëtes when he finally performs the shocking massacre of the earthborn. He wins, but he owes his success to Aphrodite. In Apollonius, Ares and Aphrodite rule over human beings and their fates; however, the outcome of their power is not harmonia (as in the Cadmus myth), but at the very end of his poem (book 4) crime, blood and death.

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This article compares Euripides’s Iphigenia Taurica with Goethe’s Iphigenie auf Tauris, and investigates how the theme of love between siblings is related to the religious issue in both tragedies. I firstly analyze how, in the Euripidean tragedy, the value of familial love can connect the two worlds of gods and humans, thanks to the parallel between the human (Iphigenia and Orestes) and the divine couple of siblings (Artemis and Apollo). By sharing this human value, the gods demonstrate that they can be different from the immoral deities depicted in myth, and correspond to Iphigenia’s ethically purified image of them. However, the Euripidean plot included at least three elements which an Eighteenth-century intellectual could not accept (paragraph three): the obscurity of the divine messages; the centrality of theft and cunning; the inability of men to solve the tragic predicament autonomously. The value of family affection is momentous for the removal of those elements (paragraph four): in the Goethean play, the Gods demonstrate that they share it not by directly intervening, but by providing the human sister with the powers of the divine sister: therefore, Iphigenia can heal her brother, and the statue of Artemis need not to be stolen. Iphigenia proves that the gods speak to the human heart, and in this way the problem of communication with the supernatural sphere is solved.

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Magyar Sebészet
Authors: Veronika Gödri, Tamás Haidegger, György Saftics, József Sándor, and György Wéber

Absztrakt

A minimálisan invazív sebészet a nyitott műtéti eljárások népszerű alternatívája. A laparoscopos műtétek nagy gyakorlatot igényelnek, a műtétek sikeres végrehajtásához alapos elméleti és gyakorlati felkészülés szükséges. A laparoscopos készségek fejlesztésének egyik lehetősége a pelvitréneren vagy szimulátoron való gyakorlás. Az Apollo pelvitrénert a Semmelweis Egyetem Kísérletes és Sebészeti Műtéttani Intézetében a hallgatók oktatására használják. A trénert, a rajta végzett feladatok valószerűségét, időkorlátait mérésekkel validálni kell. A mérési eredmények statisztikai módszerekkel történő kiértékelése lehetőséget ad a sebészi képességek számszerű mérésére, illetve a pelvitréner validálására is. Adatgyűjtéshez a pelvitrénerben történő gumigyűrű-áthelyezést használtuk, a kiértékelés során az átlagos feladatvégzési időt, a hibák számát figyeltük. A feladat végrehajtására adott maximális idő graduális szinten 240 s, posztgraduális szinten pedig 100 s volt. A méréseket a laparoscopiában való jártasság függvényében négy csoportban végeztük el: amatőrök, orvostanhallgatók, rezidensek és tapasztalt sebészek csoportjaiban. Az amatőrök (50 fő) feladatvégzési átlagideje 365,7 ± 130 s (átlag ± szórás) volt, 2,57 átlagos hibával. A 326 orvostanhallgató átlagideje 159,3 ± 61,1 s; 1,21 átlaghibával, a 15 rezidens esetén 257,9 ± 75,7 s; 1,13-as hibaponttal, míg a sebészek (4 fő) átlagideje 117,2 ± 29,1 s volt. Az összehasonlító statisztikai tesztek az orvostanhallgatók és a sebészek eredményeinek kivételével szignifikáns különbségeket igazoltak a csoportok között. Terveink között további mérések elvégzése szerepel, több tapasztalt sebész bevonásával.

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Résumé  

On applique l'activation neutronique aux mesures d'abondance isotopique du rhénium dans les matériaux lunaires. On y parvient en comparant les activités induites par (n, γ) de186Re et188Re au moyen des raies γ de respectivement 137 et 155 keV. Afin d'éviter les interférences, (spécialement celles de199Au et99mTc) on a besoin d'un procédé conduisant à une grande pureté radiochimique. De plus, on détermine les teneurs en rhénium et tungstène. On a remarqué une anomalie isotopique du rhénium dans les échantillons d'Apollo-14, montrant un enrichissement remarquable en187Re (de 1,4 à 1,8% dans les sols et jusqu'à 29% dans les brèches). On montre enfin que cet enrichissement est partiellement dû à l'irradiation neutronique sur la surface lunaire par la réaction186W(n,γ)187W

\documentclass{aastex} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{bm} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{pifont} \usepackage{stmaryrd} \usepackage{textcomp} \usepackage{upgreek} \usepackage{portland,xspace} \usepackage{amsmath,amsxtra} \pagestyle{empty} \DeclareMathSizes{10}{9}{7}{6} \begin{document} $$\mathop {\beta ^ - }\limits_ \to$$ \end{document}
187Re. Cependant, l'anomalie observée, causée principalement par les neutrons intermédiaires, n'est pas produite uniquement par les neutrons lunaires. L'activation d'un réacteur y contribue aussi par la réaction:186W(n,γ)187W
\documentclass{aastex} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{bm} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{pifont} \usepackage{stmaryrd} \usepackage{textcomp} \usepackage{upgreek} \usepackage{portland,xspace} \usepackage{amsmath,amsxtra} \pagestyle{empty} \DeclareMathSizes{10}{9}{7}{6} \begin{document} $$\mathop {\beta ^ - }\limits_ \to$$ \end{document}
187Re(n,γ)188Re, qui peut être corrigée par l'analyse d'étalons de tungstène irradiés simultanément. On estime que la contribution lunaire à l'enrichissement du187Re est de 20 à 60% de l'excès total observé.

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