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. Jászi, Oscar (1964) The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press). Jászi O. The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy

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Bocskay György kalligráfus antikva betűs síremlékfeliratai

All’antica reprezentáció I. Ferdinánd bécsi udvarában

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author: Borbála Gulyás

György (George) Bocskay (†1575) was a member of a well-known Hungarian noble family. He was capable to adapt himself to the expectations of the Viennese court of the Habsburg Monarchy to build a significant career at the Hungarian Royal Chancellery as royal court secretary, royal councillor and calligrapher. He decorated various writing model books and charters for the Habsburg rulers as well as several letters of arms for Hungarian noblemen. However it is less known that the calligrapher made sepulchral inscriptions in stone as well applying a new technique of his time, the acid-etching. Emperor Ferdinand I commissioned him to prepare the Square Capitals for the marble cenotaph of Emperor Maximilian I in Innsbruck. Additionally, he used similar letters to inscribe the sepulchral monument of the highest ranking official of the Hungarian Kingdom, the Palatine Tamás Nádasdy and his wife, Orsolya Kanizsay in Léka (Lockenhaus).

After the Treaty of Passau (1552) the claim was established that after Emperor Charles V the member of the Austrian line of the Habsburg dynasty, Ferdinand I could have imperial power. The revival of the antiquity significantly influenced the rebuilding of his main residence, the Hofburg, the development of the Roman lapidaries and collections of antiquities at his court (Hermes Schallauzer, Wolfgang Lazius, Ferdinand I), and the style of festive decorations and artworks all’antica he commissioned during this era.

In 1562 Bocskay dedicated a writing model book to Ferdinand I in order to be commissioned to prepare the inscriptions of the sepulchral monument of Emperor Maximilian I. The manuscript included several writing samples in Square Capitals imitating the epigraphic monuments of the ancient Romans. Later he worked on the acid-etched and gilded inscriptions in Vienna in 1563–1568 according to the archival sources. He prepared inscribed marble plates for 24 marble reliefs of the cenotaph representing scenes of the life of Maximilian I as well as 18 plates of the sepulchral inscription on the frieze. The Latin texts were compiled by the vice-chancellor of Ferdinand I, Georg Sigmund Seld.

Bocskay was accommodated in the house of the Nádasdy family in Vienna. He probably equipped a workshop for the process there. He also prepared three more inscribed limestone plates for the sepulchral monument of the already mentioned Tamás Nádasdy and Orsolya Kanizsay. The marble cenotaph was erected in 1566 in the castle of Léka where the Palatine and later his wife were buried. The monument was transferred to the new family crypt of the Augustine monastery of Léka in the 17th century.

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In 13 BC, Augustus returned to Rome from a lengthy tour of the western provinces, just as Agrippa returned from the East. All conditions had been readied to present to the Roman people the establishment of Agrippa as the new partner of Augustus’ labours after a multi-year build up, culminating in the Ara Pacis ceremony at which Agrippa co-presided. However, to those watching the political slogans and headlines of the Roman mint, the Ara Pacis ceremony and Agrippa’s prominent role therein did not bring news, for the coinage of 13 boldly proclaims Agrippa as if he were second princeps by advertizing his enhanced status and by highlighting his accomplishments beyond the level ever provided for any of Augustus’ other colleagues, including his eventual successor, Tiberius (whose own enhancement of powers after AD 4 was modeled upon the precedent of Agrippa).

The coinage of 13 BC represents a break from the recent general pattern in that it broke up Augustus’ quasi-regal domination of the mint, and it sent out two simultaneous and compatible messages. Firstly, and more specifically, the imagery informed the Roman public as do newspaper headlines today of the elevation of Agrippa as Augustus’ legal equal, showing that Rome was no monarchy. The Roman mint alternated between standard issues for certain messages and new images for others, including escalation of the status of Agrippa.

The year 13 provided several occasions to raise the status of Agrippa, a novus homo. Agrippa was offered a third triumph, which he again refused. He received a new priesthood(s). His tribunician power was renewed for five years, as was that of Augustus. And at the Ara Pacis ceremony, Agrippa shared equal credit for pacifying the Empire in a ceremony that may have included closing the Gates of Janus. Much of this information comes to us not just from textual evidence, but also the archeological record. The coinage of 13 informs us of the regime’s official statements and the Ara Pacis itself shows the veiled Augustus at the head of the Pontifical College and the veiled Agrippa completing the Pontifical College and starting the imperial family as a demonstration of his integral role in the state, although tragically his life would end before the Ara Pacis was completed, leaving it to be a monument of a vision of the future Augustus was never able to achieve.

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A 20. század első évtizede, pontosabban az 1900-tól 1912-ig tartó időszak Újvidék várostörténete és fejlődéstörténete szempontjából feltáratlan, s ebből adódóan számos történeti pontatlanságot generáló korszak. E rövid periódus azonban a modern várossá válás időszakának kezdete is, amely megteremtette az igényt a korszerű városszabályozásra és az infrastruktúra bevezetésére, és kihatott az Osztrák–Magyar Monarchia összeomlását követő városrendezési megoldásokra és fejlesztésre is. Az Újvidékkel foglalkozó szakirodalom eddig nem ismerte azokat a terveket, amelyek bemutatásra és elemzésre kerülnek, valamint az ismert adatokat félreértelmezte, s ennek alapján már több mint fél évszázada ugyanazok a pontatlanságok ismétlődnek. A munka a modern várossá válás történetét dolgozza fel: bemutatja és elemzi a Palóczi Antal és Szesztay László nevéhez fűződő, eddig ismeretlen terveket, továbbá egyéb archív anyagok és a korabeli sajtó által feltárja azt az időszakot, amely jelentősen kihatott a város fejlődéstörténetének következő fél évszázadára. Számos várostervezési megoldás szinte teljesen megegyezik az elődök elképzeléseivel, bár minderre nem találunk konkrét utalást az 1920–1965 közötti időszakban. A tervek összehasonlítása és elemzése bizonyíték minderre, és kijelenthetjük, hogy Újvidék modern szerkezetének tervét már a 20. század elején megrajzolták, azonban a megvalósítás mintegy fél évszázadot késett.

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In the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy financial affairs remained the sovereign right of the Hungarian Kingdom. In the decades after the Compromise (1867) the finance ministry functioned at several separate venues in Buda Castle. Without calling a plan competition, finance minister László Lukács commissioned architect Sándor Fellner (1857-1944) to design a building complex that would house the entire ministry, and 4 million crowns were earmarked in article XXXIV of 1900 for the construction. The sketches submitted by Fellner, who started his studies in the forerunner of the Budapest Technical University and completed them in Vienna and Paris, were approved on the very last day of the 19th century. In terms of function, the design adopted the cell model, providing each official a room of his own. The rooms were separated and only accessible from lateral corridors. The most attractive appearance was given to the wing with the main staircase and state-room in Szentháromság square. The pair of towers flanking the projecting central section were crowned by roofs adopting the outline of the gothic tower cap of Maria am Gestade in Vienna. The brass knights on the pinnacles also reminded of the Rathausmann of the imperial city. The first section of the lateral wing in Hess András square contained the minister’s suite of rooms, the wing across from it in Országház street included the secretary of state’s offices and representative rooms. The ceremony of laying the foundation stone was held in spring 1901 and the capping celebration was on 19 September 1902, the centenary of Lajos Kossuth’s birth. (Female day-wage labourers got 2 crowns bonus, the chief master builder received 1500 crowns.) The palace, which caused controversy among contemporaries as well (Wasn’t it in conflict on account of its volume and forms with the architecture of the Matthias Church, the church of coronations, renovated by Frigyes Schulek?) could be occupied in late 1904. In terms of innovation and engineering, the archival wing was outstanding, a witness of early Hungarian concrete iron constructions documented by sources. Built with great craftsmanship and abounding in splendid details – equipped lavishly with materials and products from all over historical Hungary – the palace, which represented its status well, was badly damaged in the siege of Buda in 1944/45 (Festung Budapest). The architect, whose active career of sixty years was acknowledged by his admission to the Incorporated Architects & Surveyors (London) in 1937, did not live to see the crumbling of the walls. The monument he had designed in the Jewish cemetery in Kozma street only features his wife’s name who died young (1907). The new looks of his building resulted from the reconstruction led by Jenő Rados (1947-1950). A contemporary critic with the fresh outlook of the new era declared that the resulting simplified form, particularly of the main façade, turned the former Finance Ministry into a truly monumental building.

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In the library of the Romanian Academy of Sciences in Kolozsvár there are four albums containing hundreds of caricatures, genre and milieu drawings, political portraits by János Petrichevich Horváth from the period between 1824 and 1864. The albums comprise several so-far little known and unpublished depictions of actors of the age such as István Széchenyi, Miklós Wesselényi, László Teleki, Sándor Teleki, Ferdinand V, Metternich or Emperor Francis Joseph, as well as the less widely known figures of the Transylvanian public scene and nobility, and officers of the imperial army. The set of over five hundred drawings, some only rough sketches, are not only intriguing in terms of iconography but at the same time have intrinsic artistic value as well. The main asset of the albums is the representation of the 19th century small world of ordinary people besides the pictures of representative personages. In addition to unusual themes the artist also challenges some taboos and depicts the abuses of power showing some infamous aspects of the life of the imperial forces, the aristocracy or the clergy.

By occupation, Transylvanian-born János Petrichevich Horváth was a high-ranking officer in the imperial army, and as such he was a committed defender of the feudal social structure and the monarchy, but as an amateur graphic artist he revealed quite a different side of his activities. Although there is no information on his regular artistic training, his works suggest a trained draughtsman mastering refined drawing techniques, with a sense of colour, careful spatial composition and exact anatomical rendering, correct perspective view and sensitive characterization.

The most remarkable works in the albums are the caricatures, which makes scholarship revise the beginnings and history of the genre in Hungary. Though the first half of the 19th century is regarded as a period of rudimentary attempts in Hungarian caricature history, the unfolding of the genre being dated to after the Compromise (1867), the albums of János Petrichevich Horváth render the Hungarian manifestations of the genre commensurable with the European crop of the genre at an earlier date. Of course, Hungarian art struggling with several problems of (self) definition, institutionalization, lack of infrastructure, etc. did not have a James Gillray (1756-1815) regarded as the “father of political caricature” or an Honoré Daumier (1808-1879) yet, but Petrichevich’s works do add several hues to the general tone of backwardness. As a conspicuous analogy, most caricatures of Gillray mock George III whose mental illness was caused by porphyria, Daumier’s most famous caricatures are of the pear-headed Louis Philippe I, and Petrichevich’s several caricature sketches depict the hydrocephalic Ferdinand V. Thus his works can be taken as the start of Hungarian political and cultural caricature whose artistic rendering and embarrassing sincerity project to us a different picture of the Reform Age clad so far in the veil of the golden age or of the customary image of the imperial forces as devilish impostors.

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A fejedelemtükör jellegzetesen kora középkori születésű irodalmi műfajnak számított. Azóta bebizonyították, hogy az európai irodalmi kultúra egyik legősibb formája, amelynek gyökerei az ókori Kelet bölcsességirodalmába nyúlnak vissza, ahol korai időtől ismert az uralkodónak fiához intézett személyes tanítása. Ennek a formának azonban a görög irodalomban sokáig nem volt meg a helye, mert az eleutheria fogalma ellentmondott a monarchikus hatalom apáról fiúra való hagyományozásának. Némileg hasonló a helyzet a korai Rómában is, ahol az arisztokratikus társadalomban elegendő bizonyos megfellebbezhetetlennek tartott erkölcsi fogalmak hangoztatása. Változás a Mediterráneum meghódításának szakaszában következik majd be, amikor a régi társadalmi keretek megrendülnek, s fontossá válik a civis bonus eszményének körvonalazása, amely szülői vagy rokoni tanításként jelenik meg (Cato, Sempronia, Q. és M. Cicero). Az új monarchikus rendszer megteremtője Augustus maga is mint parens patriae fekteti le a jó kormányzás alapelveit „fiainak”, a római polgároknak. Igazi fordulat ezután következik be, amikor az uralkodói ideál a görögökhöz hasonlóan egy általánosabb műveltség: a filozófia és a történetírás része lesz. A latin nyelvű hagyományban később is megmarad a bölcs számára a tanácsadás az uralkodónak, s ez érvényes a keresztény monarchia megszületésének időszakára is. A monarcha személyének felmagasztalása a költők, a grammaticusok és a rhetorok, az egyházatyák feladata lesz, akiknek az Istenhez hasonlóan kell dicsőiteniük a földi helytartót. A Frank Birodalomban ez a hagyomány éled újjá, ami érvényes Nagy Károly idejére is. Később, amikor felerősödik a gelasiusi kettős hatalom késő antik felfogása, teljesen egyértelművé válik, hogy az egyháznak kell elvégeznie az uralkodó tanítását. A Német-Római Szent Birodalom theokratikus hatalmával azonban egy új uralkodói tükör alakul ki, amely valójában Szent István Intelmeivel következik be, aki személyes királyi tanításával valóban vicarius Deiként jelenik meg, s átveszi az Egyház szerepét az utód felkészítésében.

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Summary The assimilation of the Jewish minority (as well as the German and Hungarian ones) was widely discussed in Czechoslovakia after 1918. The situation was more pressing in the Slovak part, especially due to a large population of mostly orthodox Jews in Carpathian Ruthenia. Their political, economic, and social emancipation was in the beginning stages compared with other parts of Central Europe. Gejza Vámoš (1901-1956) addressed the forms and conditions of Jewish assimilation in Slovakia in his novel Odlomená haluz (Broken Branch, 1934). Vámoš himself came from a Hungarian-speaking Jewish family and was an eager adherent of assimilation. His novel was set in Upper Hungary (Slovakia) during the last years of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy, but he dealt with assimilation from the perspective of the contemporary Czechoslovak Republic. He discussed the degree of assimilation in different regions of Central Eastern Europe, and claimed that it was more successful in the southern than in the northern part. He also focused on the differences between Jews in Hungary itself and in Upper Hungary. Vámoš wished to show that the precondition of successful assimilation is for the Jews to forsake their outdated religious and mercantile practices. Jews should be proud of their historical tradition and intellectual heritage, but they should strive to adopt the culture, as well as the (secular) worldview and mentality, of the nation they are in. This general doctrine of assimilation is exemplified by the story of a Jewish boy who unexpectedly changes his identity and, taking his non-Jewish father's name, also accepts his father's worldview. This narrative line contains obvious features of Bildungsroman: a change of attitudes and perceptions, along with the mixing of the races, could lead to a new, united mankind. Vámoš believed in the power of education and the natural sciences. His theory of assimilation encompassed various ideological sources, such as social Darwinism, modern Jewish Messianism, as well as ideas on nation-building (including Masaryk's). Vámoš probably wished to act as a mediator in relations between Slovaks and Jews, and to break with the tradition in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Slovak literature of portraying Jews negatively. Nevertheless, his book - in spite of its vision of a united mankind and its praise of Jewish heritage - contained numerous negative stereotypes of Jews. When excerpts of the novel were published, several lawsuits were brought against Vámoš. The discussion of Broken Branch was centered round several questions: What role would this book play in the contemporary political situation in regard to Judaism? What is the nature of the relation between reality and fiction? What are the limits of artistic freedom? The reaction to the novel showed the political polarization of Slovak society in the 1930s, and contributed indirectly to Vámoš's decision to leave the country in 1939.

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Jánossy Ferenc (1914–1997) elméletére és módszerére alapozva, a GDP és a főágazati foglalkozás-megoszlás hosszú idősorainak egybevetésével vizsgálom a román rendszerváltás gazdasági előzményeit a külföldi – főként magyarországi – elemzések és sajtóközlemények alapján. A háború idején és azt követően Románia iparilag jócskán le volt maradva az európai átlaghoz képest. Az iparosodás gyorsítása központi célja volt az államnak már a királyság idején, de folytatólag az államszocializmus időszakában is. Ennek feltételegyüttesét igen nehéz volt kielégíteni. A pártállami vezetés egészen az összeomlásig törekedett a sztálini normának megfelelően elsőbbséget biztosítani az ipar (nehézipar) eszközi beruházásainak és a hatalmi-politikai önállóságnak. Ennek mértéktelenül és folyvást alárendelte a mezőgazdaság és az emberi tényezők fejlesztését. A román GDP-adatsor maximumpontjaira illesztett trendvonal nyílegyenes. 6% körüli évi növekedést mutat (1950–75), ameddig a foglalkoztatás terén tart a nagy átáramlás a mezőgazdaságból az iparba. Ez az 1970-es évek vége felé lefékeződik, és vele együtt a GDP növekedése is. Ekkorra elapadt a mezőgazdasági munkaerő-tartalék, ezzel pedig lezárult az extenzív ipari növekedés. Az intenzív növekedési mechanizmusnak azonban a kezdetei – szükséges emberi-szervezeti alapfeltételei – sem tudtak kialakulni addigra. Így pedig a felgyűlt feszültségek tarthatatlanná súlyosbodtak. Megindult a gazdaság lebomlása úgy annak eszközkészletében, mint humán állományában. Az új trend szerinti növekedés maximum évi 1% volt, amivel a rendszer ellehetetlenült: összeomlott.

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After the Second World War, Hungary adopted the so-called Soviet model, which gave rise to significant changes in the state organisation. “Centralisation” and “democratic centralism” are the keywords which described the operation of government and local bodies in the four decades between 1945 and 1990.

Through the change of the townscape of one settlement, this study throws light on how the change in administrative status and the centrally determined settlement policy affected urban development in Hungary, similarly to other former socialist states.

Our highlighted example is Berettyóújfalu, whose administrative status changed from period to period in its 19–20th century history. Today, Berettyóújfalu’s townscape is basically determined by three architectural periods: the era of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918), the period between the two world wars (1918–1944) and the age of state socialism (1949–1989). Out of these periods, the third one was the most significant, as the most important interventions into the townscape occurred at that time.

It seems that in Berettyóújfalu, the appearance of urban buildings has not been brought about by economic forces, but expressly by the change in the settlement’s administrative status. It was this change that influenced the town’s architectural character, which consists of two components: the official buildings and the residential building stock.

In the era of socialism, the construction of housing estates also falls into the category of public developments, as after the Second World War, the system of state organisation changed fundamentally. Local governments ceased to exist, their role was taken over by hierarchical councils. Consequently, urban policy and urban construction became central duties according to the socialist state concept.

The centrally developed industry and the resulting increase in the population was served by building housing blocks with system-building technology. These panel apartment blocks occupied the urban fabric that had been an integral part of the former townscape.

In this way, this changed townscape could become a kind of architectural reader on Central and Eastern European history and urban development of the 19–20th centuries.

Összefoglaló. A második világháború után Magyarország átvette az úgynevezett szovjet modellt, amely jelentős változásokhoz vezetett az államszervezetben. A „központosítás” és a „demokratikus centralizmus” azok a kulcsszavak, amelyek az állami szervek, s mellettük a helyi szervek működését jellemezték az 1945 és 1990 közötti négy évtizedben.

Jelen tanulmány egy település városképének változásán keresztül arra világít rá, hogy Magyarországon – hasonlóan a többi volt szocialista államhoz – miként hatott a közigazgatási státus változása és a központilag meghatározott településpolitika a városépítészetre.

A mai Berettyóújfalu településképét alapvetően három építési periódus határozza meg: az Osztrák– Magyar Monarchia kora (1867–1918), a két világháború közötti időszak (1918–1944) és az államszocializmus periódusa (1949–1989). Ezek közül a legmarkánsabb a harmadik, ugyanis ekkor történtek a legjelentősebb beavatkozások a településképben. E korszakokat és a mai városképet tekintve úgy tűnik, hogy a városias épületek megjelenése Berettyóújfaluban nem a gazdasági erő hozadéka volt, hanem kifejezetten a közigazgatási helyzetének megváltozásáé. Ez befolyásolta igazán a mai építészeti karaktert, amelynek két összetevője van: egyrészt a hivatali, másrészt a lakóépület-állomány.

Az államszocializmusban a lakótelepek építése is a középítkezések körébe esik, miután a második világháború után alapvetően megváltozott az államszervezet rendszere. Az önkormányzatok megszűntek, helyüket a hierarchikusan működő tanácsok vették át. Ennek velejárója volt, hogy a településpolitika, a városépítés központi feladattá vált a szocialista államfelfogásnak megfelelően.

A központilag meghatározott módon telepített ipart, a hozzá kapcsolódó lakosságnövekedést házgyári lakások felépítésével szolgálták ki. Ezek a paneles lakóházak épp azt a városszövetet foglalták el, amely egyébként a maga módján szervesen illeszkedett a korábbi városképbe.

Ilyen módon ez a megváltozott településkép egyfajta építészeti olvasókönyvévé vált a 19–20. század közép-kelet-európai történelmének és városépítészetének.

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