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“Red Apple” is an Armenian marriage tradition. In Armenia newlywed couples used to make love for the first time on the night after the wedding. The woman is expected to have her first sexual experience at that time only. Following the First Night, proof of the bride’s virginity was given in the form of a blood spot on the bed-sheet.If the bride is a virgin, the main ceremony of the “Red Apple” is performed. Several married women — relatives of the man — prepare a tray of red apples and take it to the home of the bride’s parents. This visit is to show appreciation and praise for the bride’s parents.If the bride is not a virgin, she is judged strictly. She might be publicly shamed and divorced.Up to now this tradition has been generally observed. However, contemporary social changes are influencing the “Red Apple” tradition as well. Various transformations can be seen both in the tradition’s interpretation and in the way it is observed.This article is based on field research. It consists of two parts. In the first part the contemporary interpretations of the requirement of a woman’s virginity are presented. In the second part an attempt is made to outline the main levels of the observance and transformation of the tradition.

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In Hungary the codification of the civil law is just now progressing; the National Assembly is currently debating the Proposition for the new Civil Code replacing the Code of 1959. The Bill also affects the Hungarian notariat, which proudly looks back to a past of 700 years, and is conferring several new powers on the organisation.In the medieval Hungary the activities requiring public authenticity were performed by two types of institutions, the locus authenticus operated by the Church and the secular civil law notary. The loci authentici were succeeded by the Latin type of notariat in 1875. Following the 1948 Communist takeover, the Latin type of notariat fell victim to the transformation of the justice system after the Soviet model. It was not until after 1991 that the private type of notariat in harmony with the Hungarian traditions could resume its operation in the end.At present two main groups of cases fall within the competence of the civil law notaries: conducting certain non-litigious proceedings, and preparing notarial deeds. The new Civil Code would refer several new non-litigious proceedings to the competence of the civil law notaries, for example keeping the register of the matrimonial and conjugal property contracts, conducting divorce upon the agreed request of the parties, as well as the dissolution of common law marriage upon the agreed request of the parties. In conclusion the codification enlarges the sphere of tasks of the notariat in the territory of non-litigious proceedings, thus wishing to strengthen the Hungarian Notariat’s official character.

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This paper deals with the structural analysis of the system of kinship and affinity terms in Middle Mongolian based on all known lexicographical and narrative sources. The system of kinship and affinity terms is seen as a separate lexical group which is to be studied by methods of structural semantics, in particular by the method of componential analysis. This method is for the first time applied to the study of Middle Mongolian vocabulary. The meaning of each kinship or affinity term is defined in the meta-language of componential analysis in its two varieties, main structural features of the system are discovered and defined, the dialectal distribution, inter- and intradialectal lexical differences among the terms are described and presented in the form of tables. The morphological classification of the terms is given, the question of the polysemy of some of them is touched upon. The author comes to the conclusion that East Middle Mongolian dialects and their system of kinship and affinity terms could be in a more archaic stage of development than the language of West Middle Mongolian literary monuments. The results of the semantic analysis are compared with some historical and ethnographical data on the Mongolian social structure of the imperial period (in particular on kinship system and marriage rules).

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JAMA 284 3008 3014 Robles, T. F, Kiekolt-Glaser, J. K. (2003): The physiology of marriage: pathways to

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Development and Marriage Timing during a Period of Rising Inequality. Demography , 34: 311–330. In Bukodi E. (2000): Ki, mikor és kivel házasodik? A házasság helye az egyéni életútban és a történeti időben. (Elméletek és megközelítések). [Who marries whom

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International child abduction cases in Hungary

A comprehensive summary of statistics, legal framework and important case law

Acta Juridica Hungarica
Author: Tamás Dezső Ziegler

. Wardle and A. Scott Loveless (eds) Marriage and Quasi-Marital Relationships in Central and Eastern Europe: From the 2006 Vienna Colloquium on Marriage (BYU 2008 ), 117 – 131

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Orvosi Hetilap
Authors: Helga Judit Feith, Zsuzsanna Soósné Kiss, Ágnes Kovácsné Tóth, and Péter Balázs

Ismereteink szerint ez idáig nem történt olyan átfogó vizsgálat Magyarországon, amely egészségügyi felsőoktatásban tanuló hallgatók szociokulturális hátterét vizsgálta volna. Célkitűzés: Keresztmetszeti kutatásunk fő célkitűzése az volt, hogy megismerjük és elemezzük a leendő orvosnők, diplomás ápolónők és védőnők társadalmi hátterében megmutatkozó különbségeket. Módszer: Jelen kutatásunk orvostanhallgató-nők, valamint egészségügyi főiskolai karon tanuló hallgatónők között készült, a Semmelweis Egyetemen. Összesen 295 hallgatónőt vontunk be a kutatásba, értékelhető választ adott 68,08% ( n = 201). Az eredményeket az SPSS programcsomag segítségével elemeztük, leíró statisztikai megközelítésben. Eredmények: A felmérésben részt vevő hallgatónők számos szociodemográfiai jellemzőjében meghatározó különbséget tapasztaltunk. Az orvostanhallgató-nők nagyobb hányada diplomás szülők gyermeke, ugyanakkor a főiskolai szintű képzésben részt vevő hallgatónők esetében ennek jóval kisebb az esélye. Nem találtunk ugyan statisztikailag alátámasztható különbséget a három hallgatói csoport családi állapotában, de megállapítható, hogy kevesebb diplomásápoló-hallgatónő volt férjezett, illetve élt élettársi kapcsolatban. Következtetések: A főiskolai hallgatónők, valamint az orvostanhallgatók szociokulturális hátterében megmutatkozó különbségek, az ebből következő társadalmi hátrányok nagyobb mértékben sújtják az ápoló- és védőnőhallgatókat, mint az orvostanhallgató-nőket.

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Az elmúlt két évtizedben az Egyesült Államok belpolitikai életét egyre inkább a konzervatív és a liberális világnézet elmélyülő konfliktusa határozta meg. „Kultúrharc” bontakozott ki számos sarkalatos közéleti kérdésben, többek között az abortuszt, az egyneműek házasságát, a bevándorlást vagy újabban az államnak a gazdasági válság kezelésében játszott szerepét illetően. Míg a felmerülő sarkalatos kérdésekben egyértelmű a konzervatív és a liberális álláspont, kevésbé világos, hogy konzervatívok és liberálisok miért alakítanak ki esetenként inkoherens politikai attitűdöket. George Lakoff szerint a családdal kapcsolatos metaforák nagyrészt tudattalan rendszere strukturálja az amerikai politikai gondolkodást: a családi értékek „Szigorú Apa” modellje hívja életre a konzervatív attitűdöket, míg a liberális attitűdök a „Gondoskodó Szülő” családmodellben gyökereznek. Jelen tanulmány Lakoff amerikai politikai attitűdök mélystruktúráját leíró modelljét ütközteti empirikus adatokkal (World Values Survey). A gyermeknevelési értékek faktoranalízise során izolált faktorok nagyban megfelelnek a két szemben álló családiérték-modellnek. A faktorok attitüdinális korrelátumainak mintázata szintén egybevág Lakoff modelljével.

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The Visegrad Group, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, which forms the core of Central and Eastern Europe once more became constitutional and democratic states as a result of the changes of 1989. The global economic and financial crisis that began in 2008 has naturally shaken up the Central European region, but the intensity of its impact varied from country to country. The period between 2008 and 2010 hit Hungary the hardest, which led to the landslide political transformation of 2010. However, the economic and financial crisis that began in 2008 did not in itself lead to a new wave of constitutional legislation in Central Europe. The creation of a new constitutional identity in Hungary with the adoption of the Fundamental Law of 2011 has more to do with the local, specific political, social and perhaps partially legal historical conditions. At this time, the other Visegrad countries can be characterised by maintenance of the constitutional status quo or only partial amendments. It is true that in these countries the turbulence caused by the crisis has not yet lead to a single party or coalition achieving the qualified majority required for constitutional reform. The situation in Poland after 2015 is still open but the new government does not have the necessary majority for the adoption of new constitution. The constitutional amendments adopted after 2008 were only a partial reaction to the great economic and financial crisis. Rather, many amendments were reflections on structural problems that had existed previously or problems arising in the course of day-to-day politics that had not been fully considered previously or they introduced long-debated and still timely changes.

Among new trends, the protective measures applicable to natural assets and waters were introduced in the interest of future generations. These were inserted in a very forceful manner into the Hungarian and Slovakian constitutional systems during the post-crisis period. The reinforcement of such an ecological identity could be interpreted as a positive development. However, the public law documents of the region are also characterised by a certain conservative ‘revolutionary’ mood including the definition of marriage as a relationship between a man and a woman; some family law measures aimed at improving demographic conditions and the passages of the Hungarian Fundamental Law concerning a society based on work. The function of constitutional courts is also beginning to be re-evaluated in the region, mainly in Hungary and Poland.

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If we realize that in the first constitutional laws of modern constitutionalism (such as the Constitution of the USA of 1787, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, the Polish Constitution of 3 May 1791 and the French Constitution of 3 September 1791), the contents of the preambles corresponded to contemporary chapters defining the principles of the systems of state government, while the opening chapter of the Polish Constitution of April 2, 1997 includes 29 articles, a question arises whether it was necessary to precede that Constitution with a preamble. Introductions to constitutions are part of the Polish systemic tradition: they featured in the Constitution of 1791, as well as in the so-called March Constitution of 1921, the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic of 1952 and the so-called Small Constitution of 1992, whereas the so-called April Constitution of 1935 did not have one.Like those of other states, the major contents of the Preamble to the Constitution include a solemn proclamation of those principles and assumptions that its makers found particularly important in light of the state’s history and contemporaneous situation. Setting these out explicitly was assumed to further the goal of integrating consecutive generations around a certain system of values as well as legitimising the system of government that was thereby established. This is why the Preamble indicates the entity who acts as the constitutional legislator (pouvoir constituant) as “the Polish Nation-all citizens of the Republic”, describes the Constitution itself as the “the basic law for the State”, characterizes the historical context in which the fundamental law was adopted and- most significantly-lists all the basic goals of the Polish State and the fundamental principles underlying the fundamental law.The reader may find it striking that the Preamble contents largely overlap, or at least are not coordinated with, the wording of provisions of the first chapter, entitled “The Republic”. This chapter is, as we have mentioned, very long and-as the title suggests-not only does it list the classic principles of the state government system, but it also gives quite an exhaustive description of the Polish national community in all its complexity (including the state’s main tasks and symbols, but also, among other things, references to the institutions of civil society, the definition of marriage enjoying the protection of the state, the duty to take care of war invalids, etc.).

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