The subject of this study is an illustrated manuscript made in Vienna in 1413, which is keept in the Central Library of the Piarist Order in Budapest in 1979. The codex contains Concordantiae Caritatis, a typological work by Ulricus, a 14th century Cistercian monk from Lilienfeld. The illustrations are mentioned in recent art history as especially important in respect of the origins and history of Viennese painting in the first third of the 15th century. The manuscript is studied here as a whole with the aim of distinguishing different artists' hands for the first time. The paper deals with the problems of attribution on the basis of parallels of style, and the question of models. The author proposes the participation of seven hands or groups of collaborators. One of them (referred to here as group 1) is placed in the circle of the Master of the Sankt Lambrecht panel, other pages (referred to here as group 2) are related (e.g.) to the so called Mettener Biblia Pauperum, made in Bohemian-like style.
Research of the manuscript hitherto known and labeled as the "Liber sequentiarum and sacramentarium" (“LS”), stored today in Šibenik, has shown that this chant book is the earliest missal copied in the monastery of Tegernsee for the St Thomas Basilica in medieval Pula, Istria.Indications for its provenance are drawn from its codicological, palaeographical and repertorial features. Beside the detailed comparison of its script, notation, sequence and trope repertory, this article shows up to date not analyzed repertory of the saints venerated in its sacramentary and in the list of relicts to be mentioned at the end of missal (Haec suntreliquiae). Particularly, this portions of the “LS” repertory were a clue toward detection that the “Leitheiliger” of this chant book is St Thomas Apostle, a patron of the bishopric of Parenzo/Pula, to whom also the “unicum” sequence Armonia concinnans was dedicated. St Thomas Basilica in medieval Pula is place of usage where this “commissioned book” has been meant for liturgical usage. In the broader Aquileian context this manuscript is important as a “new source” from Aquileia and its eastern province of Istria.
This study surveys the musical notation appearing in the liturgical manuscripts of the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit from the fourteenth until the eighteenth century. As a Hungarian foundation, the Pauline Order adopted one of the most elaborate and proportionate Gregorian chant notations of the medieval Catholic Church, the mature calligraphic Hungarian/Esztergom style, and used it faithfully, but in a special eremitical way in its liturgical manuscripts over an exceptionally long period, far beyond the Middle Ages. The research sought to study all the Pauline liturgical codices and codex fragments in which this Esztergom-Pauline notation emerges, then record the single neume shapes and supplementary signs of each source in a database. Systematic comparison has produced many results. On the one hand, it revealed the chronological developments of the Pauline notation over about four centuries. On the other hand, it has been possible to differentiate notation variants, to separate a rounded-flexible and a later more angular, standardized Pauline writing form based on the sources, thereby grasping the transition to Gothic penmanship at the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. A further result of the study is the discovery of some retrospective Pauline notation types connected to the Early Modern and Baroque period, after the Tridentine Council. The characteristics of the notations of the choir books in the Croatian and the Hungarian Pauline provinces have been well defined and some individual subtypes distinguished – e.g. a writing variant of the centre of the Croatian Pauline province, Lepoglava.
The Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus’s royal library as the collection of a renaissance/humanist ruler was enriched not only with works ordered or purchased in Italy but also with manuscripts made in Buda. Most recent investigations suggest that illumining and copying activity started in the Buda court only after the arrival of Queen Beatrice (1476).
The paper is concerned with one of the marked illuminator figures of the Buda workshop labelled – for want of real identification – as “the first emblazoner”. (His figure was first outlined by Edith Hoffmann in the 1920s, who also verified that he had been trained in Florence.) So far modest floral ornaments and Matthias’s coat of arms had been attributed to this illuminator, in addition to two voluminous manuscripts, the Alberti Corvina in Modena and the Ambrosius Corvina in Paris (Modena, BEU, ms.Lat.419; Paris, BnF, Cod. Latin 1767).
The paper sheds light on the illuminator’s figure embedded in a broader context and viewed from a new angle. The novel aspect is the differentiation between the illuminator’s own style and style imitation. The author managed to demonstrate that the master did not only create his own style but occasionally imitated the style of others. Accordingly, the first half of the study analyses the illuminator’s own style in detail, and the second half discusses his work with the method of imitation. The basis for the examination of the latter is the Ransanus manuscript (Bp. OSZK, cod. Lat. 249) in which the master’s hand imitating a certain Franco-Flemish style can be safely identified.
While explicating the above topics, the author also proposes new ideas about the genesis and localization of two important corvina manuscripts. She proves that the Philostratus (Bp., OSZK, Cod. Lat. 417) and Ransanus Corvinae so-far believed to have been made in Florence and Southern Italy were actually produced in the Buda workshop. The author uses all aspects of codicological research in her argumentation. This is the first time during the research that a scribe figure is also delineated who worked in the Buda workshop at the very end of the 1480s. The Beda Corvina as well as Nagylucsei’s Psalter (Venice, BNM, Lat. VIII. 2=2796; Munich, BSB, Clm 175; Budapest, OSZK, Cod. Lat. 369) are by his hand. The Philostratus Corvina can be attributed to a scribe who imitated him fairly closely.
The author concludes that the working method of the “first emblazoner” (idiosyncratic and imitated styles) and his role in different codices epitomize the functioning of the Buda workshop. She opines that the structure of the workshop was based on the parallel activity and occasional collaboration of outstanding and lesser masters. It is almost self-evident to infer from her reasoning that the Florentine illuminator Boccardino il Vecchio possibly decorated the Philostratus Corvina in Buda. The author points out that the inner initials of the manuscript are not by Boccardino il Vecchio but by a lesser figural painter. One of the secondary initials is clearly the copy of a Francesco Rosselli half-figure type. This phenomenon locates the second hand (“first emblazoner”?) to Buda. (Rosselli worked in Buda in 1479/80, his works were included in the Buda library, too.) The fact that a lesser master had a role in such an exquisite manuscript is ascribed by the author to the structure of the Buda workshop.
At the same time the paper also raises the question of the contribution of the “second emblazoner” within the Corvina Library and concludes that the Ransanus manuscript is the joint work of the “first” and “second emblazoners” in Buda (working on the codex with time lags).
The author reflects upon the long-standing question of dating the two heraldic painters and adduces important data to support the earlier also proposed hypothesis that the first and second emblazoners worked parallel, and their work coincided with the comprehensive development and unification of the Buda library at the very end of the 1480s.
The reform of the Council of Trent made great influence on the liturgical development of all Europe. That was also the fact in Hungary: in 1630 the local synod of Nagyszombat accepted the introduction of the Tridentine rite into the Hungarian Church. Nevertheless some of dioceses - existed more independently - protested against this decision and insisted on the continuation of their own medieval traditions. Among these dioceses Zagreb was the greatest “Protestant”. The cathedral itself guarded his medieval tradition till 1788. Through this largely documented processional practise of Zagreb Cathedral (ten manuscripts and one printed processional from the 14th up to the 18th centuries) one can follow the particularities of a liturgy preserved isolated: the basically remained liturgical chants were influenced by some new practise, mainly simplifications but additions as well.
The CANTUS database provides indices of chant manuscripts for the Office in both electronic and printed formats. The database was developed in the 1980s at the Catholic University of America under the leadership of Ruth Steiner. The goals and basic structure of the project remain true to the vision of its founder; however, since the move to Canada there have been some changes in format and presentation of the data. This progress report is the first official presentation of these alterations. Seventy-one liturgical books have been indexed. The centre of distribution is the project's website at http://publish.uwo.ca/~cantus/. The database consists of indices that indicate the actual contents of individual sources. The project has proven useful in a variety of fields including liturgical chant, early music, medieval liturgy, hagiography, and ecclesiastical history.
The paper is a case-study discussing the role of imago and historia in the Istanbul Antiphonal, a Hungarian 14th-century illuminated manuscript recently discovered and published in a facsimile edition. On the one hand, the two types ipso facto play different roles in the codex: imagines are usually connected to saints (therefore they culminate in the sanctorale part) while historiae are to be found mainly in the temporale. On the other hand, examples of both of the image types can be found in both parts, sometimes mixing the two genres. There is a tendency to give more and more place to the narrative, still, keeping important positions for the imago(e.g. at the beginning and the end of the cycles). Finally, there are cases when both of them are used for the same feast in different size, revealing that (at least in some cases) imago is hierarchically lower than historia.