This study surveys the musical notation appearing in the liturgical manuscripts of the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit from the fourteenth until the eighteenth century. As a Hungarian foundation, the Pauline Order adopted one of the most elaborate and proportionate Gregorian chant notations of the medieval Catholic Church, the mature calligraphic Hungarian/Esztergom style, and used it faithfully, but in a special eremitical way in its liturgical manuscripts over an exceptionally long period, far beyond the Middle Ages. The research sought to study all the Pauline liturgical codices and codex fragments in which this Esztergom-Pauline notation emerges, then record the single neume shapes and supplementary signs of each source in a database. Systematic comparison has produced many results. On the one hand, it revealed the chronological developments of the Pauline notation over about four centuries. On the other hand, it has been possible to differentiate notation variants, to separate a rounded-flexible and a later more angular, standardized Pauline writing form based on the sources, thereby grasping the transition to Gothic penmanship at the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. A further result of the study is the discovery of some retrospective Pauline notation types connected to the Early Modern and Baroque period, after the Tridentine Council. The characteristics of the notations of the choir books in the Croatian and the Hungarian Pauline provinces have been well defined and some individual subtypes distinguished – e.g. a writing variant of the centre of the Croatian Pauline province, Lepoglava.
The subject of this study is an illustrated manuscript made in Vienna in 1413, which is keept in the Central Library of the Piarist Order in Budapest in 1979. The codex contains Concordantiae Caritatis, a typological work by Ulricus, a 14th century Cistercian monk from Lilienfeld. The illustrations are mentioned in recent art history as especially important in respect of the origins and history of Viennese painting in the first third of the 15th century. The manuscript is studied here as a whole with the aim of distinguishing different artists' hands for the first time. The paper deals with the problems of attribution on the basis of parallels of style, and the question of models. The author proposes the participation of seven hands or groups of collaborators. One of them (referred to here as group 1) is placed in the circle of the Master of the Sankt Lambrecht panel, other pages (referred to here as group 2) are related (e.g.) to the so called Mettener Biblia Pauperum, made in Bohemian-like style.
Research of the manuscript hitherto known and labeled as the "Liber sequentiarum and sacramentarium" (“LS”), stored today in Šibenik, has shown that this chant book is the earliest missal copied in the monastery of Tegernsee for the St Thomas Basilica in medieval Pula, Istria.Indications for its provenance are drawn from its codicological, palaeographical and repertorial features. Beside the detailed comparison of its script, notation, sequence and trope repertory, this article shows up to date not analyzed repertory of the saints venerated in its sacramentary and in the list of relicts to be mentioned at the end of missal (Haec suntreliquiae). Particularly, this portions of the “LS” repertory were a clue toward detection that the “Leitheiliger” of this chant book is St Thomas Apostle, a patron of the bishopric of Parenzo/Pula, to whom also the “unicum” sequence Armonia concinnans was dedicated. St Thomas Basilica in medieval Pula is place of usage where this “commissioned book” has been meant for liturgical usage. In the broader Aquileian context this manuscript is important as a “new source” from Aquileia and its eastern province of Istria.
The Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus’s royal library as the collection of a renaissance/humanist ruler was enriched not only with works ordered or purchased in Italy but also with manuscripts made in Buda. Most recent investigations suggest that illumining and copying activity started in the Buda court only after the arrival of Queen Beatrice (1476).
The paper is concerned with one of the marked illuminator figures of the Buda workshop labelled – for want of real identification – as “the first emblazoner”. (His figure was first outlined by Edith Hoffmann in the 1920s, who also verified that he had been trained in Florence.) So far modest floral ornaments and Matthias’s coat of arms had been attributed to this illuminator, in addition to two voluminous manuscripts, the Alberti Corvina in Modena and the Ambrosius Corvina in Paris (Modena, BEU, ms.Lat.419; Paris, BnF, Cod. Latin 1767).
The paper sheds light on the illuminator’s figure embedded in a broader context and viewed from a new angle. The novel aspect is the differentiation between the illuminator’s own style and style imitation. The author managed to demonstrate that the master did not only create his own style but occasionally imitated the style of others. Accordingly, the first half of the study analyses the illuminator’s own style in detail, and the second half discusses his work with the method of imitation. The basis for the examination of the latter is the Ransanus manuscript (Bp. OSZK, cod. Lat. 249) in which the master’s hand imitating a certain Franco-Flemish style can be safely identified.
While explicating the above topics, the author also proposes new ideas about the genesis and localization of two important corvina manuscripts. She proves that the Philostratus (Bp., OSZK, Cod. Lat. 417) and Ransanus Corvinae so-far believed to have been made in Florence and Southern Italy were actually produced in the Buda workshop. The author uses all aspects of codicological research in her argumentation. This is the first time during the research that a scribe figure is also delineated who worked in the Buda workshop at the very end of the 1480s. The Beda Corvina as well as Nagylucsei’s Psalter (Venice, BNM, Lat. VIII. 2=2796; Munich, BSB, Clm 175; Budapest, OSZK, Cod. Lat. 369) are by his hand. The Philostratus Corvina can be attributed to a scribe who imitated him fairly closely.
The author concludes that the working method of the “first emblazoner” (idiosyncratic and imitated styles) and his role in different codices epitomize the functioning of the Buda workshop. She opines that the structure of the workshop was based on the parallel activity and occasional collaboration of outstanding and lesser masters. It is almost self-evident to infer from her reasoning that the Florentine illuminator Boccardino il Vecchio possibly decorated the Philostratus Corvina in Buda. The author points out that the inner initials of the manuscript are not by Boccardino il Vecchio but by a lesser figural painter. One of the secondary initials is clearly the copy of a Francesco Rosselli half-figure type. This phenomenon locates the second hand (“first emblazoner”?) to Buda. (Rosselli worked in Buda in 1479/80, his works were included in the Buda library, too.) The fact that a lesser master had a role in such an exquisite manuscript is ascribed by the author to the structure of the Buda workshop.
At the same time the paper also raises the question of the contribution of the “second emblazoner” within the Corvina Library and concludes that the Ransanus manuscript is the joint work of the “first” and “second emblazoners” in Buda (working on the codex with time lags).
The author reflects upon the long-standing question of dating the two heraldic painters and adduces important data to support the earlier also proposed hypothesis that the first and second emblazoners worked parallel, and their work coincided with the comprehensive development and unification of the Buda library at the very end of the 1480s.
This article presents eighteen glosses and emendations borrowed from Turkic dialects into the Slavonic-Russian Pentateuch edited according to the Hebrew Masoretic Text (in manuscripts from the 15th–16th centuries). The first group of these words — including proper names — has Arabic or Persian origins; they came into East Slavonic with obvious Turkic mediation (Skandryja ‘Alexandria’, Bagadad ‘Baghdad’, Misurʹ ‘Egypt’, Šam ‘Damascus’, Isup ‘Joseph’, sturlabʹ ‘astrolabe’, soltan ‘sultan’, olmas ‘diamond’, ambar ‘ambergris’, and brynec ‘rice’). The second group is proper Turkic: saigak ‘saiga antelope’, ošak ‘donkey’, katyrʹ ‘mule’, kirpič ‘brick’, talmač ‘interpreter’, čalma ‘turban’, and saranča ‘locust’. The author agrees with the hypothesis that this glossing/emendation was made for the East Slavonic Judaizers. Furthermore, the author suggests that there was participation of a group of merchants interested in a new and mysterious knowledge promulgated by learned rabbis.
The manuscript Ms. 2372 of the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków contains a notated fragment of an early 12th-century Hungarian antiphoner as a flyleaf. The text written with late Caroline Minuscule is accompanied by two types of music notation. The recitative and formulaic chants appearing in the rubrics (responsoria brevia and versicles of the horae minores) are notated with diastematic neumes. The main text containing the antiphons and responsoria prolixa is written with what is probably the earliest example of the medieval Hungarian (Strigonian) chant notation. The fragment is also remarkable because of its unique content. While the recto contains the standard repertory of the office for St Michael, the verso includes chants from the historia Perennis patrie regis of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki venerated in medieval Hungary as one of its patron-saints. The Cracovian fragment represents the oldest testimonial of the historia discovered so far.
In Ms 29 of the National and University Library in Ljubljana (Slovenia) — an early 13th-century copy of Dialogorum libri IV by Gregory the Great — there are two musical insertions: the sequence Celi solem imitantes and the hymn Jam lucis orto sidere. Written in Hungarian notation they were inserted onto blank pages in the completed manuscript in the span of time from the late 13th to the mid-14th century. Ms 29 bears a marginal inscription referring to Augustinus Cazottus (Kažotić), Bishop of Zagreb in the early 14th century. It was obviously in his possession. Presumably, the sequence and the hymn were inserted into Ms 29 somewhere in the Diocese of Zagreb, by someone skilled in Hungarian notation.
This essay tackles some aspects related to the attitude of the Romanian officials after George Enescu left his country definitively (in 1946). For example, recent research through the archives of the former secret police shows that Enescu was under the close supervision of Securitate during his last years in Paris. Enescu did not generate a compositional school during his lifetime, like for instance Arnold Schoenberg did. His contemporaries admired him, but each followed their own path and had to adapt differently to an inter-war, then to a post-war, Communist Romania. I will therefore sketch the approach of younger composers in relation to Enescu (after 1955): some of them attempted to complete unfinished manuscripts; others were influenced by ideas of Enescu's music. The posthumous reception of Enescu means also an intense debate in the Romanian milieu about his “national” and “universal” output.