( 2006 ). Migrationshintergrund, Minderheitenzugehörigkeit und Bildungserfolg. Forschungsergebnisse der pädagogischen, Entwicklungs- und Sozialpsychologie [Migrant background, minority affiliation and educational success. Research results of pedagogical
-making technique for expressing the intensity of preferences by minority groups about certain issues and not about setting up a decision making organ. It would probably also mean – as a conceptual side-effect – that everybody should have the possibility not to go
The paper analyzes ethnic data collection pertaining to criminal justice in Hungary. It shows that Hungary's approach to resist ethnic data collection by law enforcement authorities is not a good policy and it causes severe constitutional problems in other, non-criminal legal circumstances, where ethnic data is used in the context of additional rights and affirmative protection provided for ethno-national minorities. The paper follows a twofold analysis. First, it sets forth general problems relating to ethnic data collection, including a brief analysis of a uniquely Hungarian constitutional institution, the minority self-government structure. The focus of scrutiny then shifts to the criminal justice system, in particular the analysis of policing of racially motivated crime, and the question of police ethnic profiling.
Treating people as equals is one of the main aims of constitutional democracies. Numerous examples prove the adverse effects if a state violates the equality principles relating to ethnic minorities and religious groups. Here is a lesson from Hungary. The Hungarian Constitutional Court (hereinafter: HCC) is not engaged in adjudicating concrete ‘cases and controversies’, but seemingly reviews the constitutionality of laws. The Constitution lays down the fundamental tenets relating to religious groups, churches, ethnic minorities and the principles of equality in general. Thus, the question is how the problems of religions and minorities are reflected in the constitutional case-law.The main theses of this article are following. First, based on historical facts the HCC provides preferential treatment for so-called historical churches. Second, in cases involving Roma the HCC does not consider the historical facts and social reality thus, the discrimination of Roma does not appear in the jurisprudence. Third, the unequal protection of churches and Roma by the state results in advantages being provided where the constitutional reasons of preferential treatment are absent while the state remains inactive where the promotion of the principles of equality would be most necessary.
Profiling by law enforcement agencies has become one of the most widely researched and debated questions in legal discussions relating to ethnic and racial discrimination in the criminal justice system. This research report highlights the findings of a recent pilot research project organized by the Hungarian Helsinki Committee that focused on police stop and search practices and their discriminatory effects on Hungary’s largest ethnic minority, the Roma. As part of the research, for the first time in Hungary, broad-spectrum data collection on the ethnic aspects and general efficiency of ID checks has been conducted.
The paper introduces a simulation, which was developed by Michael Krassa to model the opinion contagion. Krassa developed his model by using the theory of the spiral of silence that says that the perception of the public opinion influences the opinion assertion of the people and the threshold models that show how much support one person needs for the public assertion of his opinion. With the help of these relationships Krassa integrated the social networks in his model. We applied Krassa's mathematical model to two cases, the parliamentary elections of 2002 and the EU-parliamentary elections of 2004 in Hungary. We used hypothetical thresholds to examine the data because the actual threshold values are not known. The results of the simulation show that it can happen that we measure the minority opinion to be higher than the real distribution of the opinions as a consequence of the different distribution of the threshold values of the opinion assertion. This can be one explanation of the wrong electoral forecast. The problem is that the model helps little to give a better forecast because we have no data about the threshold values and we do not know the point where the dynamics of the opinion contagion stands at the time of the survey.
The present paper deals with the debate about the fiercely disputed Hungarian Status Law and its amendments. The Law was destined to grant a special status to ethnic Hungarians living the beyond the borders of Hungary. The paper contains a brief comparison of the mainly Central and Eastern European laws, through which states grant special rights to their kinminorities. The international debate about the Hungarian Status Law is also covered by the paper. Even though several states grant special status to the members of their kin-minorities the enactment of the Hungarian Status Law triggered a surprisingly fierce debate. It is submitted that although in some details the law might have run counter certain public international law principles, the reaction to the law was mainly backed by emotional arguments and hence the whole controversy could not go beyond the level of symbols. The paper also deals with the 2003 amendment of the Law, which was enacted according to the objections raised by the neighbouring countries. The paper is an attempt to show the futility of the whole Status Law debate: it is submitted that although the 2003 amendment did not go into the very substance of the provisions of the Law at large, it did satisfy these claims by simply changing the phraseology of the Law.
This article analyses the way of the French Constitutional Council, starting with its famous Association decision in 1971, transformed a brief reference to historical declarations of rights in the thin Preamble of the current French constitution (adopted in 1958) into a wide-ranging judge-made catalogue of fundamental rights. This, combined with two important reforms of the procedure for submissions of statutes to the Constitutional Council for review (in 1974 and 2008), are gradually establishing the Constitutional Council as an important actor in the legislative process and a central body for the protection of human rights in France. The article also briefly explores the scope and limits of this protection. It then discusses recent proposals for amending the Preamble. It analyses the only amendment so far, namely the inclusion of a reference to the Charter for the Environment, which aimed at providing a constitutional basis for the protection of environment, as well as other controversial suggestions, such as those aiming at enabling positive discrimination measures towards minorities, the guarantee of media pluralism, the protection of privacy and personal data and the respect of human dignity. It concludes on the use and misuses of comparative law for constitutional reforms.
Egy korábbi kutatás megmutatta, hogy a magas minőségű formális intézményi háttérhez alacsony szintű társadalmi bizalom társul az Egyesült Királyságban. Jelen cikk célja ennek a paradoxonnak a feloldása, melyet a királyság heterogén társadalmi jellegében keresünk. Az elemzés az etnikai, vallási és jövedelmi alapú különbségekre összpontosít, amiket a közösségen kívüli hálózatnak, a közösségen belüli bizalomnak, a bizalom körének és a külső, formális kikényszeríthetőség szükségességének mátrixában vizsgál. Három tényező – koncentrált, nagyon diverz területek, korlátozott közösségen kívüli kapcsolattal rendelkező, szoros közösségek egymás mellett élése és a kisebbségi csoportok nélkülözésnek való nagy mértékű kitettsége – adja a puzzle megoldását. Mindezek tovagyűrűző, bizalomromboló hatását tovább erősíti az alacsony jövedelmű népességcsoport igazságszolgáltatáshoz való hozzáférésének korlátozottsága, aminek eredményeként olyan környezet jön érte, ahol a külső kikényszeríthetőség sem informális, sem formális intézményeken keresztül nem érhető el.