Hungarian has a number of apparently synonymous time adverbs that can measure the duration of time intervals. The paper explores these adverbs in some detail, and argues that contrary to appearances, none ofthem are freely interchangeable. The starting point is a discussion of the property of homogeneity that time adverbs are sensitive to. The paper argues for a specific treatment of homogeneity and a preliminary adverb definition based on that treatment. It is proposed that some, but not all, Hungarian time adverbs share the default definition. The diverging adverbs may (a) contain a covert frequency predicate or (b) not measure the duration of the time interval directly, but by determining an endpoint of the interval. Hungarian time adverbs also differ in the range of time intervals they can measure; some, but not all adverbs can measure all available time intervals including the event, iterative, habitual and reference time. This variability in time adverb modification is arbitrary and needs to be explicitly determined for each adverb. Apart from discerning the interpretation of Hungarian time adverbs, the conclusions have a more general impact. On the one hand, apparently homogeneous adverbs can have disparate definitions. On the other, it is necessary to permit explicit, arbitrary constraints on adverbial modification. It is also argued that time adverbs can impose non-local restrictions on the eventuality modified, strengthening the need for a powerful theory of adverbial modification.
The article deals with the role of the Greek goddess Hera and her Roman counterpart, Iuno, in the poetic treatments of the myth of Argonauts. The focus is put especially on Iuno’s character development in Valerius Flaccus’ adaptation of the myth. Iuno’s character in this work has already been discussed by Werner Schubert in his fundamental study (1991), in which he pointed out the remarkable approximation of Iuno fabulosa and Iuno civilis. Referring to this study, the article emphasizes rather the literary development of Iuno’s character. It is shown that Valerius Flaccus portrays the highest goddess not only as a peculiar helper (socia), as suggested by Schubert, but also as a permanent participant in an intertextual dialogue with the epic poems of Homer and Apollonius Rhodius. Valerius Flaccus’ aim here is to invert his literary predecessors’ accounts in a subtle and witted way (as Debra Hershkowitz has already presented).
In the second half of the 16th century increasing interest in Greco-Roman drama lead to a revival of the fabula praetexta, i.d. plays staging Roman history. One of the finest examples is the “Lucretia, tragoedia nova” by the Silesian writer Samuel Iunius (*1567). In dramatizing the Livian story the poet follows Greek tragedies (e.g. Sophocles, Aias), but first of all imitates Vergil by assimilating Lucretia to Dido. Due to further parallels in structure and narrative technique Iunius' play even emerges as a kind of dramatic counterpart to the Aeneid. The choice of the subject as well as its treatment seem to suggest that the author lent his voice to political criticism and Anti-Habsburg opposition.
In addition to several thousand archaeological features, forty-three settlement burials were also uncovered on the LBK site at Balatonszárszó-Kis-erdei-dűlő. The majority of the crouched inhumation burials came to light from the uppermost level of the settlement’s refuse pits. The study offers a detailed assessment of the settlement’s Neolithic burials together with the examination of possible patterns in the mortuary rites, as well as an overview of the culture’s graves and mortuary practices in the western half of the Carpathian Basin, i.e. in Hungary and Slovakia. The findings are compared to the treatment of the dead in other regions of the LBK distribution in Europe in order to identify possible local traditions in the light of similarities with and divergences from the general patterns in the mortuary rites practiced by LBK communities.
This article focusses on discussing the reason of existence of factors (
) in the three time periods (
) as it is recorded in the Vaibhāṣika *
and in the Sarvāstivāda works that postdate this text. The origin of this discussion is traced back in the earliest Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma works. Also the Chinese Sanlun philosopher Jizang (549–623), in his “
Shi’er men lun shu
”, a commentary on Nāgārjuna’s *
Shi’er men lun
”, raises this discussion. Here, references are made to the vibhāṣā literature. The treatment of the subject in the “
Shi’er men lun shu
” reveals (1) that the Chinese Sanlun (and Madhyamaka) philosophers were familiar with this discussion in Sarvāstivāda philosophy; (2) that they criticised the Sarvāstivāda viewpoint; and (3) gives evidence for a rise of Indian Madhyamaka philosophy and a place of origin of Nāgārjuna in the North of the Indian subcontinent.
How far can canon and language be sources of (dis)continuity in literary history? Continuity and discontinuity are concepts of such complexity that only philosophers can hope to make a successful attempt to define them in general terms. All I can offer is a tentative analysis of their significance for literary history. Since even such an investigation would ask for a lengthy treatment if conducted on an abstract level, I shall limit myself to reflections on how continuity and discontinuity are related to the concepts of canon and language. In the second half of my paper a personified abstraction called nation will also be introduced with the intention of making some remarks on the legitimacy of the terms national and world literature. The essay also raises the question of whether it is possible to write literary history in a postmodern world.
In 1913 Béla Bartók traveled to Algeria to research Arab folk music. He took with him the most modern technological device then available, the Edison phonograph, and recorded Arab peasants performing their music. Analysis of his ensuing scholarly documentation and free composition reveals the inspiration Bartók drew from Arab folk music, not only in his treatment of traditional musical elements — melody, rhythm, and harmony — but also in novel incorporation of exotic timbre, scales, drum modes, ululation, and exorcism. This paper elucidates diverse musical elements with examples from authentic folk music and Bartók’s compositions. What emerges is a remarkably comprehensive image of Arab music, seen through the lens of Béla Bartók’s unique scholarship and creativity.
The idea of ‘national’ in Croatian 19th-century music shows evolutionary tendencies, which can be articulated in four phases. It started in the period 1800–1830 as a construct leading towards higher general musical standards, displaying universality above particularity as its ideal. It continued in the period 1830–1850 with pragmatic treatment of music as incidental to poetry, supporting non-musical, mostly political issues, where universality equaled particularity. It achieved in the period 1850–1870 the status of a substantial part in the scholarly re-construction of national history, still equaling universality with particularity. Finally, as a concept of ethnic or national art music, it reached in the period 1870–1916 a status of general interest in national cultural life and education, displaying particularity above universality.
Bartók left behind over 300 folksong arrangements. In the field of vocal music, three series are based on Slovak folksongs: Five Slovak Folksongs for male choir (1917, BB 77), Four Slovak Folksongs for mixed choir and piano (1917, BB 78) and Village Scenes (1924, 1926, BB 87). The series are strongly connected among themselves in terms of textual content, formal concept, and treatment of folk melodies. In Village Scenes, Stravinsky’s influence is unmistakable. Not only was Bartók “influenced” by Stravinsky but he also imitated and even “quoted” Les Noces (1923). The article examines the relationship between the two works using Bartók’s 1928 essay Hungarian Folk Music and New Hungarian Music as a point of reference.
The goal of this paper is to analise the magical elements of mesopotamian medical texts. The Mesopotamian concept of illness is interpreting physical complaints and pain, that is symptoms and illness, as messages from the gods (omens), claiming that medical texts deal with a specific type of this kind of message transfer, namely those cases when the bad omen occurs on the human body. In this article I introduce the sources and the cultural context of Mesopotamian medical texts, then I examine the magical elements in the process of healing treatment. We can conclude that the minor role of practice in the curing of illnesses is supported by the magic elements (e.g. aspects of numerology, or magic circles) identifiable in each step of healing with medicaments.