Authors:Ivan Vujačić, Jelica Petrović-Vujačić, Svetozar Tanasković, and Marko Miljković
presented in Figure 1 . It is apparent that there was a continuous divergence and a general period of stagnation in the 1980s that added to the political tensions that led to the breakup of the country. GDP per capita fell as a result of the civilwar and
the civilwars hindered the growth and development of the Chinese HE system. From 1949 onwards, it switched to the Soviet model which, for the next 16 years, generated rapid economic growth starting from a very low level of development. The Cultural
): 459 – 479 . 10.1111/1468-0297.00079 Dyrstad , K. ( 2012 ): After Ethnic CivilWar - Ethno-Nationalism in the Western Balkans . Journal of Peace Research , 49 ( 6 ): 817 – 831 . 10.1177/0022343312439202 Edwards , R. – Franklin , J. – Holland
other instances of price deflation, like the price deflation in the US after the CivilWar; a period of fast growth. 7 Concluding remarks There exists a widespread deflation phobia among economists, media and the public in general. Neglecting the
complicated in the early 1990s by the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia and the ensuing civilwars that soon erupted in the Balkans, the fighting only ended by the Dayton Peace Accords of 1995. Even today, though the Balkans are calm and peaceful, it
of central planning and government intervention. Like in the case of the Chinese reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, NEP also contributed to rapid economic recovery, after damages of the WWI, the civilwar of 1918–1920, and the Bolshevik war communism
A recent international conference, entitled Transition in Perspective offered an opportunity for the author to take stock of the achievements of the post-socialist economies since the regime change in 1989/90. The analysis was carried out in two dimensions, in the political and the economic one. Regarding the first one, the record is largely positive: many countries have regained their independence, although in some cases the price was high and the fundamentals of democracy are still missing. In civil wars and inter-ethnic fights far too many people were killed and/or displaced. Since about 2000, many countries fell in the hand of autocratic leaders. In terms of catching-up with the income levels of the advanced economies, less than half of the countries were truly successful. The people have good reasons to be disappointed.
The paper analyzes European Union – Middle East and North Africa (EU-MENA) relations from the perspective of complex interdependencies. As a theoretical framework, it outlines the application of Barry Buzan’s Security Complex Theory on the Euro-Mediterranean (or EU-MENA) region-pair. This involves the provision of a general overview on the several sectors of interdependence between the two regions, namely the military, political, economic, societal and environmental sectors. The paper then turns towards the deeper elaboration of the economic sector and identifies it as the most potent sector for European activism, where the Union could work most effectively on building a long-term solution for the stabilization of the MENA. As conclusions, the paper argues for a deeper economic integration between the two regions, which would provide opportunities for the MENA’s population to be economically successful “at home”, therefore reducing not only the highly visible migration pressure on the EU, but also other security threats such as civil wars, organized crime and weapon proliferation.