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://wals.info/) Gruzdeva , Ekaterina . 1998 . Nivkh . No. 111 in Languages of the world, Munich: Lincom Europa. Hagstrom , Paul . 1998 . Decomposing questions . Doctoral

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Club. 247 – 263 . Holsinger , Ed. 2007 . Reagain: Structural decomposition and adverbial modification . Ms. University of Southern California

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In this paper, we argue for the existence of two local domains (phases, cf. Chomsky 2001; 2009; Legate 2003, among others) inside the DP: the n*-phase, parallel to the vP (as in Svenonius 2004), and the d*-phase, parallel to the CP. Two acknowledged phasal properties are discussed. (i) The n*/d*-phases define their own peripheries: peripheries are essentially modal-quantificational spaces, as shown by the decomposition of Topic—Focus features recently proposed (Butler 2004; McNay 2005; 2006). (ii) Phases are assumed to be domains of linearization: after (internal or external) merge, syntactic objects are hierarchical, but not linear, so phases must be linearized before they are sent to PF. The distribution and interpretation of DP-internal adjectives is taken to be indicative of these two domains.

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. Boeckx , Cédric . 1999 . Decomposing french Questions . In J. Alexander , N. Han and M. M. Fox (eds.) University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 6.1, Proceedings of the 23rd Annual Penn Linguistics Colloquium

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primitive entities, but decompose into two equipolent features, namely [+/− α ] and [+/− β ], see (10). (10) Müller (2003) a. I: [ + α ,   − β ] b. II: [ − α ,   + β ] c. III: [ − α ,   − β ] d. IV: [ + α ,   + β ] The reason why Müller proposes to

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. Stechow , Arnim von . 1995 . Lexical decomposition in syntax . In U. Egli , P. E. Pause , C. Schwarze , A. von Stechow and G. Wienold (eds.) Lexical knowledge in the organization of language . Amsterdam & Philadelphia : John

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results in Italian and English: An analysis from event decomposition . In H. J. Verkuyl , H. de Swart and A. van Hout (eds.) Perspectives on aspect . Dordrecht : Springer . 81 – 105

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, such as English again , have received a lot of attention in recent decades, partly due to the fact that their interpretation possibilities have been used as empirical evidence for a syntactically decomposed argument structure of resultative and

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consonants are in fact followed by an empty nucleus, i.e., /bʊn.d ____/ and are weak because they inherit the empty nucleus’ diminished capacity for maintaining phonetic material), and are therefore likely to lenite (decompose). In autosegmental terms, weak

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sens original se maintient, formant polysémie, mais celle-ci n’est pas forcément négative. Pour des chercheurs comme Morhmann, elle n’est « sûrement pas un symptôme de décomposition ou de déclin linguistique, mais un trait de différenciation de la

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